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786 26. holy men<br />

that commemorated the greatest rain miracle <strong>of</strong> his career. It was a verbal<br />

accompaniment to the spectacular new architecture <strong>of</strong> the pilgrimage<br />

shrine set up around the base <strong>of</strong> what was now an empty column – a shrine<br />

complete with baptistery, monastery, guest-hostel and triumphal way<br />

leading up from the plain, that had come to weigh heavily on a once open<br />

site occupied by the living Symeon on the limestone ridge at Telnesin. 10<br />

Besa’s Life <strong>of</strong> Shenoute <strong>of</strong> Atripe (385–466) was written for a similar occasion<br />

– the annual festival <strong>of</strong> the great abbot, celebrated beneath the lowering<br />

walls <strong>of</strong> the White Monastery. 11 From Iona to Telnesin and upper<br />

Egypt, the Life <strong>of</strong> a saint was less a biography than a recital <strong>of</strong> virtutes, <strong>of</strong><br />

deeds <strong>of</strong> power. It was narrated in such a way as to keep alive the expectation<br />

that such power would remain available to the pious for as long as the<br />

respect once shown to its dead wielder continued to be shown by the<br />

outside world to the monastery that guarded the holy man’s memory. 12<br />

Apart from the precious letters <strong>of</strong> Barsanuphius and fragments <strong>of</strong><br />

sources, such as the ostraka <strong>of</strong> Epiphanius, a late-sixth-century hermit <strong>of</strong><br />

Thebes, we seldom catch a holy man in action through documents that<br />

stem from himself – still less do we hear him talk about himself. As ‘servants<br />

<strong>of</strong> God’, many holy men simply placed a high value on selfeffacement.<br />

But there is more to it than that: a public man in an ancient,<br />

epic tradition, the holy man as we usually meet him in his vita, was condemned,<br />

by the writers <strong>of</strong> hagiography, to ‘utter externality’. 13 It is only<br />

where we would least expect it, from the Atlantic coast <strong>of</strong> fifth-century<br />

Ireland, that we learn from the Confessio <strong>of</strong> Patricius the Briton (now known<br />

to us as St Patrick) <strong>of</strong> what it was like to respond, as a slave in Mayo, to the<br />

call <strong>of</strong> holiness in its late antique Christian form:<br />

But after I reached Ireland, well, I pastured the flocks every day and I used to pray<br />

many times a day: more and more did my love <strong>of</strong> God and my fear <strong>of</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>m<br />

increase, and my faith grew and my spirit stirred, and as a result I would say up to<br />

a hundred prayers in one day, and almost as many at night; I would even stay in the<br />

forests and on the mountain and would wake to pray before dawn in all weathers,<br />

snow, frost, rain: and I felt no harm and there was no listlessness in me – as I now<br />

realise, it was because the Spirit was fervent within me.<br />

(Patricius, Confessio 16, trans. A. B. E. Hood, St Patrick.<br />

London and Chichester (1978) 44)<br />

What matters for our account, however, as it did for many contemporaries,<br />

was how a closeness to God, gained preferably in the wild, was seen to<br />

act in the settled world. On this subject each late antique writer <strong>of</strong> hagiography<br />

had his own firm notions <strong>of</strong> what constituted an appropriate narrative<br />

10 Doran (1992). 11 Besa, Vita Sinuthii 1, tr. Bell (1983) 41.<br />

12 A fact seen most clearly in the reception <strong>of</strong> late antique hagiography in Ireland: Picard (1982) and<br />

Herbert (1988). 13 Bakhtin (1981) 133.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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