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war, disruption and economic decline 383<br />

in the Roman period. Rather, the methods <strong>of</strong> production used were essentially<br />

the same as those <strong>of</strong> the pre-Roman Iron Age and <strong>of</strong> the early Middle<br />

Ages. The achievements <strong>of</strong> the Roman economy depended on developing<br />

tiny surpluses and small-scale production into something much bigger,<br />

through complex and efficient structures. But these structures were fragile,<br />

and if they decayed or were disrupted, nothing <strong>of</strong> the impressive edifice was<br />

left.<br />

To understand the far-reaching effects <strong>of</strong> the disappearance <strong>of</strong> this<br />

edifice, it also helps if we believe that the Roman economy had been able<br />

to encourage specialization <strong>of</strong> production to the point where consumers<br />

depended for very many <strong>of</strong> their goods on highly skilled and specialized<br />

producers (who in turn depended for their livelihood on sales over a wide<br />

area). Ironically, if (as in the modern world) economic complexity has<br />

accustomed us to getting what we need by purchase from specialized producers,<br />

when this supply is disrupted, we have no basic skills to fall back<br />

on. This may explain why, say, in fifth-century Britain, a province which had<br />

had highly specialized potting-industries in the third and fourth centuries<br />

reverted to the use <strong>of</strong> pottery that is technologically far less sophisticated<br />

than that produced by the regional industries <strong>of</strong> the Iron Age.<br />

x. war, disruption and economic decline<br />

The period 400–650 is marked by the spread <strong>of</strong> war to almost all regions <strong>of</strong><br />

the empire, which had previously (with a rude interruption in the third<br />

century) enjoyed peace for some four hundred years. The relationship<br />

between the arrival <strong>of</strong> war and the decline <strong>of</strong> the economy clearly requires<br />

detailed investigation.<br />

Rather than conquest, it was probably war itself and the disruptions that<br />

it caused which brought about change for the worse. As we have seen in<br />

the cases <strong>of</strong> Vandal Africa and the Arab near east, the arrival <strong>of</strong> new<br />

peoples (even very different new peoples) did not necessarily cause rapid<br />

economic decline. This is, in fact, unsurprising, since, in all the cases we<br />

know about, the incoming barbarians came to enjoy, not to destroy, the<br />

benefits <strong>of</strong> Rome. In government and administration, they were certainly<br />

able and happy to employ local ‘middlemen’ to operate those systems <strong>of</strong><br />

exploitation that they did not necessarily themselves immediately understand.<br />

Though this is not so well documented, it is likely that they did the<br />

same with the economy.<br />

War and raiding, however, could certainly be very disruptive and damaging<br />

to local production, to systems <strong>of</strong> distribution and to demand. The Life<br />

<strong>of</strong> Saint Severinus provides detailed examples <strong>of</strong> such disruption from a frontier<br />

province on the upper Danube in the dark days <strong>of</strong> the late fifth century.<br />

At one moment the citizens <strong>of</strong> Batavis begged the saint to intercede with<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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