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40 2. the eastern empire: theodosius to anastasius<br />

with an element <strong>of</strong> self-interest. 43 However, the Vandal capture <strong>of</strong><br />

Carthage with its docks and shipping introduced a dramatic new element<br />

into the equation. The western empire promptly undertook hurried defensive<br />

measures in anticipation <strong>of</strong> sea-borne attacks on Italy, 44 and an imperial<br />

order to extend the mural defences <strong>of</strong> Constantinople along the<br />

seaward sides <strong>of</strong> the city has <strong>of</strong>ten been interpreted in the same light. 45 The<br />

Vandal invasion <strong>of</strong> Sicily in 440 showed that there was genuine cause for<br />

apprehension, and concern about its potential ramifications for the security<br />

<strong>of</strong> the eastern Mediterranean must have influenced Constantinople’s<br />

decision to commit substantial forces to the expedition <strong>of</strong> 441.<br />

In the event, the expedition never progressed beyond Sicily because a<br />

Hun <strong>of</strong>fensive in the Balkans forced Constantinople to recall its troops.<br />

Not for the first time during Theodosius’ reign, Hunnic moves dictated<br />

eastern policy. The Huns had <strong>of</strong> course impinged on Roman horizons well<br />

before Theodosius’ accession, having first made their presence felt indirectly<br />

as far back as the 370s, when their movements across the steppe<br />

regions north <strong>of</strong> the Caspian and Black Seas induced Gothic tribes adjacent<br />

to the lower Danube to seek admission to the empire. However, it was<br />

probably not until the early years <strong>of</strong> Theodosius’ reign that the Huns themselves<br />

reached the Danube in significant numbers, 46 or were in a position<br />

to pose a serious threat to the heartlands <strong>of</strong> the eastern empire.<br />

Throughout history, the general socio-economic character <strong>of</strong> nomadic<br />

pastoralist peoples such as the Huns has never been conducive to the emergence<br />

<strong>of</strong> centralized political power – dispersal in small groups over large<br />

areas, absence <strong>of</strong> permanent settlements, and minimal social differentiation<br />

have tended to militate against any such development. However, where<br />

they are able to establish dominance over a sedentary population and<br />

exploit their produce and manpower, such a development can occur. 47 By<br />

the early fifth century, the Huns had achieved hegemony over various<br />

settled peoples living north <strong>of</strong> the Danube – Goths, Gepids, Heruls and<br />

others – and Constaninople found itself having to deal with rulers such as<br />

Rua and Attila who could command significant human and material<br />

resources.<br />

The consequences were felt for the first time in 422 when Rua took<br />

advantage <strong>of</strong> imperial preoccupation with war against Persia to launch an<br />

invasion <strong>of</strong> Thrace, and the empire had to buy him <strong>of</strong>f by agreeing to an<br />

annual payment <strong>of</strong> 350 pounds <strong>of</strong> gold. 48 Rua employed a similar strategy<br />

in 434, making further demands when significant numbers <strong>of</strong> eastern<br />

troops were absent defending Carthage against the Vandals. Negotiations<br />

43 Kaegi (1968) ch. 1; Matthews (1975) 378–82. 44 Nov. Val. 5 (March 440), 9 (June 440).<br />

45 Chron. Pasch. p.583 with Whitby and Whitby (1989) 72 n. 243. 46 Heather (1995) 5–19.<br />

47 Anderson (1974) 219–26; Khazanov (1984) ch. 5.<br />

48 Croke (1977) with Zuckerman (1994) 162 n. 12.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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