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christianity and laws on the family 393<br />

most sensational measure was passed: the abrogation <strong>of</strong> the ancient law<br />

whereby a marriage ceased with the withdrawal <strong>of</strong> consent <strong>of</strong> just one <strong>of</strong><br />

the spouses. Repudium was thus authorized only in cases <strong>of</strong> extreme gravity.<br />

Admittedly, there were other situations in which the bond could be dissolved,<br />

but the responsible party incurred heavy sanctions: the wife lost her<br />

dowry, relinquished all claim to her possessions in the marital house and<br />

suffered deportation; the husband, on the other hand, had to return the<br />

dowry and, if he remarried, his former wife could take possession <strong>of</strong> his<br />

second wife’s dowry. Wives, moreover, were explicitly denied the right to<br />

repudiate their husbands on general grounds <strong>of</strong> immorality. 2<br />

In so far as the moral code <strong>of</strong> a minority group can be expected to<br />

influence the laws and ancient traditions <strong>of</strong> a large empire in a short space<br />

<strong>of</strong> time, this set <strong>of</strong> measures unequivocally shows the mark <strong>of</strong><br />

Christianity. 3 Nevertheless, certain historians, even in recent times, have<br />

tended to deny that Christian morality had any influence on Constantine’s<br />

family legislation, or at least to minimize its influence considerably; some<br />

have even extended their scepticism to cover much <strong>of</strong> late antique legislation.<br />

In so doing, however, they would appear to be conditioned not<br />

only by an abstract concept <strong>of</strong> ‘Christian legislation’ (i.e. one more or less<br />

consciously based on the twelfth- and thirteenth-century collections <strong>of</strong><br />

canon law) but also by the relations between the papacy and the European<br />

states in the Middle Ages. In their search for symmetries, they claim that<br />

Christian influence is attested only where there is a ‘perfect identity’<br />

between Christian doctrine and Roman law; they emphasize the<br />

deficiencies and excesses <strong>of</strong> imperial law; they suggest that a decisive contribution<br />

was made by pagan philosophical doctrine and that the imposition<br />

<strong>of</strong> a stricter morality reflected a revival <strong>of</strong> traditional Roman values;<br />

finally, they appeal to the independent evolution <strong>of</strong> the law. 4 None <strong>of</strong><br />

these arguments are new, for, broadly speaking, the same ground was<br />

covered almost a century and half ago by the debate on Troplong’s work. 5<br />

And there are, in fact, two good reasons why the two conflicting opinions<br />

have been periodically confronting one another ever since then. The first,<br />

which in itself carries no negative implications, is that the subject itself<br />

inevitably leaves a wide margin for interpretation. The second, which is<br />

undeniably detrimental, is that the general terms <strong>of</strong> the problem are inadequately<br />

defined.<br />

2 C.Th. iii.16.1.<br />

3 For a balanced account <strong>of</strong> the effects <strong>of</strong> Constantine’s conversion on his legislation, see<br />

Liebeschuetz (1979) 277 (on the family, in particular p. 295).<br />

4 Among the more recent works, see, for example, with varying degrees <strong>of</strong> emphasis, Gaudemet<br />

(1978a); Castello (1983); Sargenti (1986); Bagnall (1987); Evans Grubbs (1995); for the position <strong>of</strong><br />

women, see in particular Arjava (1996). 5 Troplong (1843).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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