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306 11. the army, c. 420,602<br />

One indication <strong>of</strong> the underlying strength <strong>of</strong> eastern arrangements was<br />

the empire’s ability, at least in the short term, to surmount the ravages <strong>of</strong><br />

the Great Plague, which struck first in 541/2 and then flared up in various<br />

parts <strong>of</strong> the empire throughout the rest <strong>of</strong> the century. Mortality was certainly<br />

highest in the large cities, which were <strong>of</strong> limited relevance to the<br />

recruitment or supply <strong>of</strong> armies, but there were also deaths among farmers<br />

and disruption to agriculture, and concentrations <strong>of</strong> soldiers must also<br />

have been liable to high casualties. Thus, although the overall severity <strong>of</strong><br />

the plague may be debated, it would have destabilized a system that was<br />

already insecure. In fact, however, it is difficult to detect any direct or immediate<br />

impact. 74 There is no apparent decline in the size <strong>of</strong> eastern armies<br />

after the 540s: few precise figures are available, but in the Strategikon <strong>of</strong><br />

Maurice a force <strong>of</strong> between 5,000 and 15,000 is considered to be well proportioned,<br />

which accords with the sizes <strong>of</strong> Justinianic expeditionary forces<br />

for the west in the 530s. Complaints about shortages <strong>of</strong> soldiers under<br />

Tiberius and Maurice were caused in part by simultaneous campaigns on<br />

two or more frontiers: diversion <strong>of</strong> resources to the east left the Balkans<br />

and Italy vulnerable, but this problem <strong>of</strong> juggling available manpower to<br />

meet different commitments had existed since the reign <strong>of</strong> Augustus. 75<br />

There is also no clear increase in the proportion <strong>of</strong> non-Roman troops<br />

serving in the armies, another possible sign <strong>of</strong> a decline in available Roman<br />

manpower. Here definitions are important, since Roman armies had traditionally<br />

contained a large number <strong>of</strong> soldiers whom a blue-blooded aristocrat<br />

in Rome would have regarded as uncivilized, but who nevertheless<br />

originated from within the empire – and it is this which is the crucial consideration<br />

for an emperor’s ability to control and organize military recruitment,<br />

whereas subjective judgements on barbarization are less relevant.<br />

Thus, soldiers might be Goth or Armenian by racial origin, but be subject<br />

to the Roman emperor as tax-paying inhabitants. Emperors recruited from<br />

outside their frontiers when necessary, but such foreigners were merely one<br />

element within an army that was already heterogeneous. 76 The largest single<br />

foreign recruitment was probably that initiated by Tiberius in 574, when it<br />

was essential to rebuild the eastern armies very quickly and a new force <strong>of</strong><br />

Tiberiani, numbering perhaps 15,000, was raised. 77 Otherwise, emperors<br />

continued a pragmatic policy <strong>of</strong> exploiting the military potential <strong>of</strong> available<br />

tribes or war-bands but without creating a non-Roman army: enlistment<br />

<strong>of</strong> Lombards, Goths and even Anglo-Saxons in the late sixth century<br />

was balanced by recruitment from Cappadocia or Mesopotamia, as carried<br />

out by Maurice in 578 and Philippicus in 584.<br />

74 Whitby (1995) sec. 6.<br />

75 Maurice Strat. iii.8, 10; Menander frr. 21, 22; for problems in the early fifth century, cf.<br />

Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops 129. 76 Whitby (1995) sec. 7.<br />

77 Evagr. HE v.14 with Theophanes 251.24–8.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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