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386 13. specialized production and exchange<br />

and hence also military, muscle? And did subsequent economic decline in<br />

the east help cause the military problems <strong>of</strong> later-sixth- and seventhcentury<br />

Byzantium? It is important to bear these possibilities in mind and<br />

to continue to investigate them – even if, at present, the data (particularly<br />

relating to the western and later eastern military collapses) tend to be too<br />

hazy to provide any firm answers. For instance, it is not yet clear whether<br />

we can confidently identify widespread economic decline in the western<br />

provinces (which included a seemingly very rich Africa) before the great barbarian<br />

incursions <strong>of</strong> 406.<br />

xi. climate, the environment and the economy<br />

As well as warfare, climatic change or environmental change is sometimes<br />

blamed for the decline <strong>of</strong> the Roman economy. Climatic change at this date<br />

was an ‘act <strong>of</strong> God’, unaffected by man, while environmental change could<br />

be caused either by changes in the weather or by the human impact on the<br />

landscape. 69<br />

Strangely enough, despite its importance in present-day environmental<br />

debate, climatic change is not currently much favoured as an overall reason<br />

for Roman economic decline. 70 It would, indeed, be very difficult to find a<br />

change <strong>of</strong> climate that could explain the extraordinary and localized<br />

fluctuations <strong>of</strong> wealth visible between the fourth and the seventh century.<br />

What change in climate could have benefited Ireland, Armenia and the near<br />

east in the sixth and early seventh century, while at the same time devastating<br />

Britain, Italy and Asia Minor?<br />

Even looking at highly marginal areas, which must be the first to be<br />

affected by any change in climate, changes in human activity, rather than<br />

broad changes in the weather, <strong>of</strong>ten provide more plausible reasons for<br />

fluctuations in settlement and wealth. The dry semi-desert <strong>of</strong> the Negev<br />

was, as we have seen, densely settled and prosperous in the fifth and sixth<br />

century, which might be explained in terms <strong>of</strong> a period <strong>of</strong> exceptional rainfall.<br />

However, in this same period, the closely comparable wadis <strong>of</strong><br />

Tripolitania (in modern Libya), which were prosperous and densely settled<br />

at an earlier date (the later first and second centuries a.d.), seem to have<br />

been largely abandoned. Since the Libyan pre-desert and the Negev must<br />

share roughly the same climate, and since they were certainly exploited in<br />

very similar ways, their very different histories strongly suggest that it was<br />

human opportunity and human pressure that most influenced these two<br />

marginal regions, rather than some external change in the weather. 71<br />

69 For a useful brief discussion <strong>of</strong> the issues raised in this section, with further references: Greene<br />

(1986) 81–6.<br />

70 The issue is, however, debated in relation to specific regions: see e.g. Rubin (1989) for the Negev.<br />

71 For Libya: Mattingly (1995) 144–53.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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