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382 13. specialized production and exchange<br />

regions to compete commercially); in the next few pages we shall meet<br />

some more. However, before we look further at individual causes, an<br />

important general point needs to be made. A central and essential prerequisite<br />

for understanding the decline <strong>of</strong> the Roman economy is, I believe,<br />

the acceptance that it was a closely interlocked structure in which commerce<br />

and regional specialization, as well as the redistributive power <strong>of</strong> the<br />

state, all had an important part to play. If we see the Roman economy in<br />

the way that, for instance, Finley did, as a series <strong>of</strong> essentially autonomous,<br />

very local economies, then it is extremely hard to understand the broad<br />

trends that seem to have swept through whole regions. But, if we accept<br />

that regional and overseas contacts mattered, it is then much easier to see<br />

how this complex network might slowly unravel. 65<br />

For instance, if Italy was important to Africa as a market for some <strong>of</strong> its<br />

oil and some <strong>of</strong> its pottery, then the impoverishment <strong>of</strong> Italy in the fifth<br />

century, through the loss <strong>of</strong> the revenues <strong>of</strong> empire and through the<br />

ravages <strong>of</strong> war (and perhaps also in part through its own failure to compete<br />

successfully in the Mediterranean market), will have markedly reduced<br />

demand for Africa’s produce. This reduction would adversely affect both<br />

the direct producers <strong>of</strong> oil and African red-slip ware, and those Africans<br />

whose wealth depended, within the regional and local economies, on supplying<br />

these producers with African products, like grain, chickens, building-materials,<br />

etc.<br />

This argument for interdependence does not necessarily require us to<br />

see the economic fortunes <strong>of</strong> all parts <strong>of</strong> the Mediterranean, let alone all<br />

parts <strong>of</strong> the empire, as tightly interlinked. As we have seen, the fifth century<br />

is a period <strong>of</strong> growing prosperity in the east and <strong>of</strong> marked economic<br />

decline in the west. Western proserity was clearly not an essential prerequisite<br />

for eastern growth. Rather, it looks as if one half <strong>of</strong> the Mediterranean<br />

could exist in great and growing prosperity, largely independently <strong>of</strong> the<br />

other. The Mediterranean in about a.d. 600 is indeed strikingly similar to<br />

the pre-Roman world <strong>of</strong> around 300 b.c. – with a highly evolved and commercial<br />

economy in the east that extended westwards into southern Italy,<br />

Sicily and the Carthage region, and which coexisted with a much more<br />

backwards north-west. The comparison even extends to the existence in<br />

both periods <strong>of</strong> important gateway communities (like Marseilles) between<br />

the two economic zones.<br />

Though not quite on a Mediterranean-wide scale, multifarious but necessarily<br />

fragile links between different peoples and different economies were<br />

almost certainly very important in encouraging specialized production and<br />

in sustaining the great achievements <strong>of</strong> the Roman world. As we have seen<br />

earlier, there was no major technological, industrial or agricultural revolution<br />

65 See p. 369 above, n. 38.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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