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from rome to byzantium 203<br />

earned the contempt <strong>of</strong> John Lydus for having initiated the practice <strong>of</strong><br />

issuing prefectural edicts in Greek. 176 The second half <strong>of</strong> the fifth century<br />

saw a steady increase in the proportion <strong>of</strong> imperial laws issued in Greek,<br />

and the erosion <strong>of</strong> Roman civilization in the Latinate north-western parts<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Balkans will have reduced the availability in the east <strong>of</strong> native Latinspeakers.<br />

177 The fifth and sixth centuries did witness the great codifications<br />

<strong>of</strong> Roman law, in Latin, under Thedosius II and Justinian, but these were<br />

as much grand exercises in asserting the continuity <strong>of</strong> the eastern empire<br />

with increasingly distant Roman traditions as they were projects <strong>of</strong> practical<br />

administrative import. Greek translations <strong>of</strong> Justinian’s Code, Digest<br />

and Institutes were soon available, 178 and although Justinian’s great jurist<br />

Tribonian appears to have tried to resist the trend, Justinian’s own subsequent<br />

legislation was increasingly issued in Greek alone, unless specifically<br />

directed to one <strong>of</strong> the Latin-speaking provinces <strong>of</strong> the west. 179 These<br />

changes were not completely one-sided, for in the process Greek absorbed<br />

a wide range <strong>of</strong> Latin administrative terminology, but by the end <strong>of</strong> the<br />

sixth century, Gregory the Great could complain <strong>of</strong> the difficulties <strong>of</strong><br />

finding anyone in Constantinople competent to translate from Greek into<br />

Latin, 180 while soon after, in a highly significant move, Heraclius began<br />

using the term basileus in his <strong>of</strong>ficial titulature. 181<br />

v. from rome to byzantium<br />

The seventh century was a time <strong>of</strong> major administrative change, when the<br />

structure <strong>of</strong> civilian provinces which could trace its origins back to the days<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Roman republic began to be replaced by the middle Byzantine system<br />

<strong>of</strong> themes, whose primary function was the maintenance <strong>of</strong> the major army<br />

groups, initially the Anatolic, Armeniac, Thrakesian and Opsikion. Just as<br />

military needs in the mid third century contributed to the emergence <strong>of</strong> the<br />

‘new’ Diocletianic tax system, so now the location <strong>of</strong> army groups led to the<br />

development <strong>of</strong> administrative structures to support them. The sequence<br />

and chronology <strong>of</strong> these developments have been much disputed, partly<br />

because <strong>of</strong> misguided attempts to establish the identity <strong>of</strong> the grand<br />

reformer who devised such an administrative revolution, but there is now a<br />

substantial consensus that the process was gradual, a set <strong>of</strong> responses to the<br />

fundamental changes which overtook the eastern Roman world during<br />

the seventh century. 182 The Persian war which dominated the first quarter<br />

<strong>of</strong> the century played its part, since the empire successively lost control <strong>of</strong><br />

176 CJ vii.45.12; Theod. II, Nov. 16.8; John Lydus, De Mag. ii.12. 177 Honoré (1978) 39.<br />

178 Jolowicz and Nicholas (1972) 481–2, 500–1. 179 Dagron (1969) 44–5; Honoré (1978) 58–9.<br />

180 Greg. Reg. vii.27. 181 Dagron (1969) 38.<br />

182 An illustration <strong>of</strong> this process is the gradual emergence <strong>of</strong> a militarized society in the exarchate<br />

<strong>of</strong> Ravenna: on this, see Brown, Gentlemen and Officers.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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