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egional and local variation 363<br />

Roman boom followed by the even more dramatic post-Roman crash seen,<br />

for example, in Britain. In Ireland it is the post-Roman period, the fifth<br />

century a.d. onwards, that produces evidence (through pollen-analysis, and<br />

in church buildings, metalwork and a huge number <strong>of</strong> fortified enclosures)<br />

<strong>of</strong> increasing exploitation <strong>of</strong> the land and <strong>of</strong> a rising complexity in economic<br />

life. Similarly, beyond the eastern frontier, in Armenia, although the only evidence<br />

we have so far comes from church building, the seventh century (the<br />

very period that saw the collapse <strong>of</strong> the Byzantine economy in neighbouring<br />

Asia Minor) is a high point in innovation and construction. 26<br />

The evidence from Ireland calls into question the model I have proposed<br />

so far, <strong>of</strong> a movement in economic complexity exclusively southwards and<br />

eastwards. Possibly a movement outwards in general is a more appropriate<br />

image: from a rich Italy in the first century b.c. and the first century a.d.;to<br />

Gaul and Spain in the second and third century; to Britain and Africa in the<br />

third and fourth; to the eastern provinces in the fifth and sixth; and finally,<br />

beyond the old frontiers, to Ireland and Armenia in the sixth and seventh<br />

century. As Randsborg has rightly pointed out, the slow and steady growth<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Scandinavian economy raises even more fundamental questions,<br />

about the long-term benefits <strong>of</strong> romanization. 27 Southern Britain, as we<br />

have seen, lost in the fifth century a.d. much more than its Roman<br />

economy: it reverted to a pattern <strong>of</strong> economic life simpler and more basic<br />

than that <strong>of</strong> the pre-Roman Iron Age. Without the Romans, might not<br />

Britain’s economy have developed in a more sustained, if slower, way, like<br />

that <strong>of</strong> Scandinavia? Viewed in the very long term and with the benefit <strong>of</strong><br />

a perspective from beyond the frontiers, the economic history <strong>of</strong> Roman<br />

Britain can be portrayed as a blind alley, before the population settled back<br />

to a pattern <strong>of</strong> steady growth comparable to that <strong>of</strong> the pre-Roman Iron<br />

Age.<br />

v. regional and local variation<br />

The surveys I have given above are very generalized, in order to bring out<br />

and illustrate the broadest underlying trends within the economic history<br />

<strong>of</strong> this period. For this purpose, it is, I hope, excusable to lump together<br />

vast areas, like the whole <strong>of</strong> Gaul, Spain and Italy, and to illustrate their economic<br />

history with a few choice examples drawn from Italy alone (indeed,<br />

primarily from the north <strong>of</strong> Italy). But it is also important to realize that<br />

the process <strong>of</strong> generalization and simplification necessarily ignores very<br />

important local variation.<br />

In both Gaul and Spain, for instance, there was probably a major<br />

difference between the experiences <strong>of</strong> the south and <strong>of</strong> the north, where<br />

26 Scandinavia: Randsborg (1991) 72–81; Randsborg (1992). Ireland: Mitchell (1976) 136–7 and<br />

159–71; Edwards (1990) 6–33; Mallory and McNeill (1991) 181–225. Armenia: Mango, Byzantine<br />

Architecture 180,91. 27 Randsborg (1992).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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