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administrative change 193<br />

appointment, while usually stressing the nominee’s noble birth and rhetorical<br />

skills (both linked with personal integrity), also emphasize his or his<br />

family’s record <strong>of</strong> service and the close attention paid by the monarch to<br />

performance, in and out <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fice. The system, especially at the top, was<br />

still far from pr<strong>of</strong>essional, but was probably less amateurish than that <strong>of</strong><br />

the early empire. 132<br />

iv. administrative change<br />

The difficulty involved in effecting permanent change to administrative<br />

arrangements is well illustrated by Anastasius’ abolition <strong>of</strong> the chrysargyron<br />

tax. Once the emperor had decided that the tax should no longer be collected<br />

– whether for moral reasons, as asserted by Evagrius, or because the<br />

empire’s finances were sufficiently healthy to do without the relatively small<br />

return – he instructed his reluctant <strong>of</strong>ficials to destroy the relevant paperwork.<br />

This stage removed the records stored in central archives, but<br />

Anastasius surmised that there would be enough information in provincial<br />

archives to reconstruct the tax precept if a future emperor decided, or was<br />

persuaded by grasping <strong>of</strong>ficials, to do so. Hence, Anastasius played a trick<br />

on his administrators by persuading them to assemble all surviving paperwork<br />

relevant to the tax, on the grounds that he had realized his mistake<br />

and now wanted to reinstate the chrysargyron; the <strong>of</strong>ficials gladly obliged,<br />

only to find that their endeavours resulted in another bonfire <strong>of</strong> their precious<br />

records. Even if embroidered in the telling, Evagrius’ story, 133 besides<br />

providing an intriguing glimpse <strong>of</strong> the extent <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial archives, including<br />

the existence <strong>of</strong> parallel record systems in Constantinople and provincial<br />

centres, illustrates how administration was a collaborative process: the<br />

emperor was all-powerful, but the exercise <strong>of</strong> that power depended on<br />

numerous individual <strong>of</strong>ficers who transmitted information into, and orders<br />

out from, the imperial centre. Abolition <strong>of</strong> the chrysargyron had significant<br />

consequences quite unconnected with the motivation for the change: the<br />

sacrae largitiones lost a sizeable chunk <strong>of</strong> revenue and, even though<br />

Anastasius replaced it by allocating to a special fund imperial estates which<br />

generated the same income, this ensured that the comes sacrarum largitionum<br />

was now, to an extent, beholden to the administrators <strong>of</strong> those estates. The<br />

appointment to the post <strong>of</strong> comes sacrarum largitionum <strong>of</strong> John the<br />

Paphlagonian, a tractator in the praetorian prefecture, may have been<br />

intended to help secure the reform. 134<br />

Any change was bound to tread on vested interests, as in the case <strong>of</strong> the<br />

chrysargyron, and it was more common for processes and structures to<br />

132 Cass. Variae i.42.2; v.40–1; viii.16–17, 21–2.G<strong>of</strong>fart (1970); Barnes (1974).<br />

133 Evagr. HE iii.39. 134 Stein, Bas-Empire ii.204.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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