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532 19. italy, a.d. 425,605<br />

could wear an appealingly Roman mask. While, like Odoacer, he most<br />

usually called himself rex, he seems not to have objected when, on an<br />

inscription recording the restoration <strong>of</strong> the Via Appia at Terracina, a<br />

hyperbolic <strong>of</strong>ficial called him ‘king Theoderic, forever Augustus’ (rex<br />

Theodericus semper Augustus). In a similar vein, the Romans supposedly<br />

thought <strong>of</strong> Theoderic as a new Trajan or Valentinian. Theoderic fostered<br />

such images by basing life at his court on models drawn from imperial<br />

ceremonial. 34<br />

It would be misleading, however, to claim that Theoderic’s attempts at<br />

integrating the disparate elements under his rule resulted in unqualified<br />

success. Among the peoples that accompanied him from the Balkans, for<br />

example, the Rugi refused to intermarry with the king’s Gothic subjects,<br />

preserving an independence which lasted until the dying days <strong>of</strong> the<br />

kingdom. Even among his Gothic subjects, Theoderic’s authority could<br />

amount to little more than ratifying decisions they made independently <strong>of</strong><br />

him. 35 The greatest area <strong>of</strong> tension was the king’s relationship with the<br />

Roman population. Despite the images <strong>of</strong> harmony preserved by<br />

Cassiodorus, Ennodius and the Anonymus Valesianus, it is clear that there<br />

had been the potential for confrontation from very early in Theoderic’s<br />

Italian career. At the time <strong>of</strong> his arrival, he had threatened to confiscate<br />

senatorial properties if the owners did not abandon allegiance to<br />

Odoacer. Moreover, Theoderic’s own expressions <strong>of</strong> romanitas had been<br />

tempered by the uneasiness <strong>of</strong> his relationship with Constantinople. 36 In<br />

the end, the result proved catastrophic for members <strong>of</strong> the Roman élite<br />

whose cultural activities had led them into close contact with<br />

Constantinople. In the last two years <strong>of</strong> his reign, when various aspects<br />

<strong>of</strong> his government seemed to have fallen into disarray, Theoderic turned<br />

on sections <strong>of</strong> the Roman aristocracy, suspecting them <strong>of</strong> treasonable<br />

contact with Constantinople. 37<br />

Despite these problems, the kingdom left by Theoderic at his death in<br />

526 was a remarkable achievement. Whereas barbarian take-over in Spain,<br />

Gaul and Britain had resulted in considerable social dislocation, Italy had<br />

slipped almost imperceptibly from empire to kingdom. Even so, the situation<br />

at his death was ominous. The man who had rewarded Cassiodorus’<br />

elaborate reconstruction <strong>of</strong> the Amal genealogy had failed signally to<br />

produce an heir <strong>of</strong> his own. Ultimately his choice devolved on his grandson,<br />

Athalaric. 38 But when Theoderic died, the new king was still a child.<br />

This provoked a power struggle among the Gothic élite which led to the<br />

eclipse <strong>of</strong> the Amal line, starkly revealing how fragile was the unity to which<br />

Theoderic had devoted so much <strong>of</strong> his energy.<br />

34 CIL 10.6850–1;cf.Anon. Val. 12.60; Heather (1996) 221–35.<br />

35 Procop. Wars vii.2; Cass. Var. viii.26. 36 Heather (1996) 227–30.<br />

37 Moorhead (1992) 212–45. 38 Heather (1995) 165–72.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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