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642 22a. the sasanid monarchy<br />

other external problems which faced successive rulers: developments in the<br />

west and the Balkans, as well as internal problems in Isauria, commanded<br />

the attention <strong>of</strong> the emperor at Constantinople, while Sasanid kings had to<br />

contend with the equally serious threat posed by the Hephthalites on their<br />

north-east frontier. This Sasanid problem is not regularly reported in our<br />

sources. The succession <strong>of</strong> Greek classicizing historians from Priscus <strong>of</strong><br />

Panium through to Theophylact Simocatta narrate diplomacy and warfare<br />

that involved Romans and Sasanids, but only rarely extend their horizons<br />

further east. 8 Sasanid sources are mostly preserved for us through compilations<br />

from the Islamic period, <strong>of</strong> which the most important are the Annals<br />

<strong>of</strong> al-Tabari in Arabic and the Shahnama or Book <strong>of</strong> Kings <strong>of</strong> Firdawsi in new<br />

Persian. Both date from the tenth century and depend on lost Iranian<br />

sources in which anecdotal material had substantially ousted reliable information,<br />

so that the resulting narratives are dominated by charming and<br />

exotic stories. Though al-Tabari attempted to cut his way through the more<br />

sensational <strong>of</strong> his source material and produce a sober historical narrative,<br />

he still incorporated two parallel versions <strong>of</strong> Sasanid history; it is not safe<br />

to trust his information uncritically. 9 Furthermore, these Iranian sources<br />

are more informative for the royal court and internal affairs and, like their<br />

Roman counterparts, are silent about a difficult frontier relationship in<br />

which the Persians were <strong>of</strong>ten at a disadvantage. Only for the reign <strong>of</strong><br />

Peroz (459–84) is there substantial information about Persian–Hephthalite<br />

relations, partly because Peroz was defeated in 464/5 when the Roman<br />

ambassador Eusebius was accompanying the royal army, partly because<br />

two decades later Peroz perished with much <strong>of</strong> his army in a catastrophic<br />

attempt to reverse the previous humiliation. 10<br />

The death <strong>of</strong> Peroz was followed by a period <strong>of</strong> dynastic weakness in Iran:<br />

Peroz’ brother Valash ruled for four years (484–8) before being overthrown<br />

by Peroz’ son Kavadh (488–96), who relied on Hephthalite support. Kavadh,<br />

however, was in turn ousted by the nobility and replaced by his brother<br />

Zamaspes (496–8), but he was returned to power (498–531) with<br />

Hephthalite assistance, after marrying the king’s daughter. <strong>Hi</strong>s reign witnessed<br />

the rise <strong>of</strong> the Mazdakite ‘movement’ (see p. 655 below), which advocated<br />

communal rights over property, and perhaps also women; it appears to<br />

have received some support from the king, and can be interpreted as an<br />

attempt to undermine the entrenched power <strong>of</strong> the hereditary aristocracy.<br />

An indirect consequence <strong>of</strong> Kavadh’s dynastic problems was the resurgence<br />

<strong>of</strong> warfare with Rome: Kavadh undoubtedly needed money to repay the<br />

Hephthalites and to enhance his position as supreme patron within Persia,<br />

and this led to a request to the Romans for contributions towards the costs<br />

8 Discussions in Blockley (1981); Cameron (1969/70); Cameron, Procopius; Blockley (1985); Whitby,<br />

Maurice. 9 Howard-Johnston (1995) 169–72. 10 Procop. Wars i.3–4.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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