Cambridge Ancient Hi.. - Index of

208 8. administration and politics in the cities
observed in Ostrogothic Italy, 14 then, in the second half of the sixth
century, in Merovingian Gaul, 15 and last of all in Visigothic Spain. 16
Meanwhile, the cities were changing. On the negative side, self-government
by legally defined bodies (the curiae) in accordance with constitutional
procedures – that is, politics in the classical sense – was perishing everywhere.
Cities came to be run by groups of powerful individuals who are
described in various ways without our ever being told the criteria which
qualified a man for membership of this ruling group. 17 A plausible explanation
of this development was given by Libanius towards the end of the
fourth century. The maintenance of curial strength depended essentially on
the curiales themselves. If they did not keep their colleagues to their duties,
nobody could. But the most powerful councillors did not mind their colleagues’
departure, for it meant that they could concentrate power in their
own hands. 18 The consideration that they would also have to bear a larger
share of the financial burdens ceased to carry much weight as the civic services
which councillors had paid to provide – that is, public buildings, banquets,
spectacles and competitions – came to be valued less or were
financed in different ways. On the other hand, there was little reason why
an ordinary decurion should want to remain in his council. If he was well
connected, he was likely to win more wealth and esteem in the imperial
service or the church. In any case, he was likely to enjoy a more carefree life
outside the council. Councillors were at risk of being beaten or bankrupted,
and this risk was no longer compensated for by the prospect of
high esteem in the city. So they left.
The government did its utmost, right up to the reign of Justinian, to stop
this trend through legislation, 19 but to little effect. In the east, the notables
were in control by the reign of Anastasius. The government recognized the
situation, and new legislation took account of this fact. This may well have
been an important factor in the Justinianic revival. 20 In the west, the process
may have taken a little longer but the outcome was the same: the government
had to find ways of raising the resources it needed in peace or war
through agencies other than decurions, 21 and perhaps in the seventh
century gave up collecting the basic land-tax altogether. 22
The helplessness of the government in face of the relentless decline of
the councils was related to another empire-wide development: the decline
in the effectiveness of the provincial governor, the key figure in the administration
of the late empire as organized by Diocletian. In various areas of
14 La Rocca (1992).
15 Rouche (1979) table p. 295; also Claude (1960); Dhondt (1957); Cüppers (1977); Février (1980).
16 Part of a remarkable cultural revival after the union of Goths and Romans: Collins (1983) 51–5.
17 See pp. 219,22 below. 18 Lib. Or. xlix.8–11, cf.xlviii.37–41. 19 Schubert (1969).
20 See p. 220 below.
21 Merovingian Gaul: Greg. Tur. Hist. iv.2, v.34, ix.30; Visigothic Spain: De fisco Barcinonensi in
SCNAC x.473f.; see also Vives (1963) 54. 22 Goffart (1982).
Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008