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362 13. specialized production and exchange<br />

reached the west <strong>of</strong> Britain. It was only long after the end <strong>of</strong> the Roman<br />

period, in the seventh and, in particular, in the eighth century that economic<br />

conditions in southern Britain again resemble those attained in the<br />

pre-Roman Iron Age, with the first Anglo-Saxon coins, the first coastal<br />

emporia, the first native pottery industries, and an evident growth <strong>of</strong> trade<br />

with the continent. 25<br />

The post-Roman economic regression is at its clearest and starkest in<br />

Britain (except possibly in the Balkans, where there has been less archaeological<br />

work to reveal it), but the same phenomenon can be seen widely,if in<br />

a less extreme form, right across the former Roman world. Two closely connected<br />

and striking features <strong>of</strong> early medieval people (whether in Turkey,<br />

Greece, Africa, Italy, France, Spain or Britain) are the unimpressive nature <strong>of</strong><br />

their domestic material remains and the considerable difficulty archaeologists<br />

have in finding traces <strong>of</strong> their settlement (unless they had the decency<br />

to bury themselves with grave-goods or to leave good crop-marks). In the<br />

past, problems in finding early medieval people have undoubtedly been exacerbated<br />

by a lack <strong>of</strong> interest in their culture and a consequent ignorance<br />

about the nature <strong>of</strong> their material remains. But the example <strong>of</strong> countries like<br />

Britain and Italy, where a lot <strong>of</strong> sophisticated effort (much <strong>of</strong> it fruitless) has<br />

now been put into looking for post-Roman remains, shows quite clearly that<br />

the problem is no longer just the result <strong>of</strong> not knowing how to look.<br />

Pre-Roman people in countries like Italy show up well in field-survey<br />

and in excavation, with scatters <strong>of</strong> recognizable pottery; and in areas like<br />

Greece and Asia Minor they <strong>of</strong> course left spectacular domestic and monumental<br />

remains. Roman people all over the empire broadcast their presence<br />

to the archaeologist with large quantities <strong>of</strong> pottery and, <strong>of</strong>ten, tile,<br />

brick and mortar. It is only early medieval people who seem to have owned<br />

so few material objects that they have <strong>of</strong>ten disappeared entirely from the<br />

archaeological map. Even in Italy, which had been the very heart <strong>of</strong> the<br />

empire, it is much easier to document local production, overseas trade,<br />

flourishing urbanism and extensive exploitation <strong>of</strong> the land in the Etruscan<br />

period than it is in the seventh century a.d.<br />

iv. beyond the frontiers <strong>of</strong> the empire<br />

The general picture <strong>of</strong> economic decline sketched out above – <strong>of</strong> a high<br />

point <strong>of</strong> sophistication sometime in the Roman period sinking to a low<br />

sometime between 400 and 700 – is based on work within the boundaries<br />

<strong>of</strong> the former empire. Interestingly, if we step beyond the old frontiers,<br />

things look rather different.<br />

In Scandinavia, the first millennium a.d. is marked by steady exploitation<br />

and very slow economic growth throughout the period, without the dramatic<br />

25 Hodges (1989) 69–104.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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