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170 7. government and administration<br />

names <strong>of</strong> the more lowly staff <strong>of</strong> prefects or governors; <strong>of</strong> their competence,<br />

culture or <strong>of</strong>ficial values, if any, almost nothing. Even at the top levels<br />

<strong>of</strong> the administration, we are informed <strong>of</strong> only a tiny percentage <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficeholders<br />

(especially during the fifth century, with its dearth <strong>of</strong> legislation),<br />

and know all too little about their careers (especially any lesser posts they<br />

may have held) and their achievements; 20 this means that general assessments<br />

<strong>of</strong> competence, promotions and power are bound to be conjectural.<br />

ii. the structures <strong>of</strong> government<br />

The structures <strong>of</strong> civil administration in the east when Justinian came to<br />

power, or in contemporary Ostrogothic Italy, had, at least in outward<br />

appearance, altered very little from the days <strong>of</strong> Valentinian I at the end <strong>of</strong><br />

the fourth century. However, following the reign <strong>of</strong> Maurice (582–602),<br />

change (very ill documented) seems to have been radical: from a complex<br />

and essentially civilian system <strong>of</strong> a few multi-tiered departments, subject to<br />

great ministers, there evolved a number <strong>of</strong> simpler departments (sekreta),<br />

as listed in the Kleterologion <strong>of</strong> Philotheos (899); these were directly subordinated<br />

to the emperor, and integrated with a militarized system <strong>of</strong> provincial<br />

government. 21 As we shall see, however, it is possible to detect changes<br />

beneath the surface <strong>of</strong> the fifth- and sixth-century system which prepared<br />

the ground for the empire which fought <strong>of</strong>f the Arabs.<br />

The fundamental purpose <strong>of</strong> the administrative system remained the<br />

delivery <strong>of</strong> the resources upon which the empire’s existence depended.<br />

This entailed the control <strong>of</strong> a complex system <strong>of</strong> apportionment, extraction,<br />

transport and redistribution, and the judicial supervision <strong>of</strong> the problems<br />

and complaints which this process inevitably generated. When<br />

studying the administration, it is important to remember that state service<br />

extended far outside the <strong>of</strong>ficial hierarchies. Thanks in part to the classical<br />

tradition <strong>of</strong> personal, liturgic service <strong>of</strong> the community, there was no clear<br />

division between public and private: it is significant that ancient languages<br />

have no word for the concept <strong>of</strong> the state as something distinct from, and<br />

superior to, its citizens. 22 Any man <strong>of</strong> standing in the empire was, or might<br />

easily become, an unsalaried civil servant, administering his city (the basic<br />

unit <strong>of</strong> the empire) or an imperial estate, collecting taxes on his estates,<br />

organizing corvée labour on the roads or finding transport for military or<br />

civil supplies. Conversely, it was easy for him to treat any paid <strong>of</strong>fice he<br />

might hold as a kind <strong>of</strong> private property. A regular civil servant might wield<br />

20 The best lists <strong>of</strong> known <strong>of</strong>fice-holders are provided in the fasti in PLRE ii and iii.<br />

21 Philotheos: Bury (1911). Bureaucratic change: Haldon, Byzantium in the Seventh Century;<br />

Winkelmann (1976).<br />

22 Note, too, that the verb πολιτε�εσθαι, ‘to be a citizen’, came to mean ‘to hold public <strong>of</strong>fice’:<br />

Cameron, Circus Factions 288–9.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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