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350 13. specialized production and exchange<br />

modern times), there were administrative factors at work which were not<br />

primarily economic. 5<br />

Similarly, although archaeology has now shed much light on urban settlement<br />

and prosperity, this evidence too is <strong>of</strong>ten very difficult to integrate<br />

into a broad picture <strong>of</strong> the economy. The prosperity <strong>of</strong> towns in the<br />

Roman and post-Roman periods was not simply dependent on economic<br />

activity, but was also highly influenced by social and administrative change.<br />

For example, the disappearance <strong>of</strong> towns in post-Roman Britain must in<br />

part reflect economic change; but it was also caused by the disappearance<br />

<strong>of</strong> a town-based aristocracy and a town-based secular and ecclesiastical<br />

administration. 6<br />

ii. the general picture<br />

Very broadly, the evidence currently available suggests that the focus <strong>of</strong><br />

intensive, specialized and sophisticated economic life shifted gradually,<br />

between the fifth and the seventh century, further and further southwards<br />

and eastwards. In the next few pages we will review this evidence briefly,<br />

starting with two extreme case studies: Britain, in the far north-west, and,<br />

at the other end <strong>of</strong> the empire, the provinces <strong>of</strong> the Near East and Egypt.<br />

These surveys are necessarily done with a very broad brush and ignore<br />

much detail and local variation, a point I shall return to later.<br />

Britain<br />

There is some debate about whether the economic decline <strong>of</strong> Britain<br />

started within the fourth century itself (and therefore before the arrival <strong>of</strong><br />

the Saxons). But most scholars would agree that, at least in the early fourth<br />

century, the province <strong>of</strong> Britain was flourishing, with a rich villa economy<br />

in the countryside, and a network <strong>of</strong> towns which included not only administrative<br />

capitals (civitates), but also secondary production and marketing<br />

centres whose prosperity depended primarily on economic activity. Copper<br />

coins are frequently found in excavation and were clearly in widespread use,<br />

and the province had a number <strong>of</strong> specialized potting industries, producing<br />

standardized high-quality products, and capable <strong>of</strong> distributing them<br />

even over long distances (see Fig. 12).<br />

By the end <strong>of</strong> the fifth century (at the vest latest) all this economic<br />

sophistication had disappeared. There were no towns, no villas and no<br />

coins. Specialized production and long-distance exchange were almost<br />

entirely restricted to very high-value goods which were produced as much<br />

to mark status as for their functional purpose, and which travelled perhaps<br />

5 For the state and coinage: Hendy, Studies. For coins in commercial use: Millar (1981) 72–4; and the<br />

useful overview in Greene (1986) 44–57 and 61–3.<br />

6 See Durliat (1990a) for an extreme view <strong>of</strong> the essentially ‘artificial’ nature <strong>of</strong> Roman cities.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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