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212 8. administration and politics in the cities<br />

kinds <strong>of</strong> evidence: inscriptions, laws and, in Egypt, papyri. For each kind<br />

<strong>of</strong> evidence, the material is relatively abundant for the fourth century,<br />

scarce in the middle <strong>of</strong> the fifth century, and again becomes more abundant<br />

from the last quarter <strong>of</strong> the fifth century to at least the middle <strong>of</strong> the<br />

sixth. 36 It will be seen that the revival <strong>of</strong> the late fifth century corresponds<br />

to a transformation <strong>of</strong> civic government. The decline from the mid sixth<br />

century probably reflects the changes which were to bring about the ‘collapse’<br />

<strong>of</strong> the ancient city in Asia Minor which became manifest after the<br />

Arab invasions.<br />

1. Cities <strong>of</strong> the Greek east: pattern I<br />

What general conclusions can be drawn about the political condition <strong>of</strong><br />

these cities in the fifth and sixth centuries? The fading out <strong>of</strong> monuments<br />

commemorating local politicians suggests that by the beginning <strong>of</strong> the fifth<br />

century the competitive civic politics <strong>of</strong> the early empire were dead or<br />

dying nearly everywhere. In the smaller cities, it had already disappeared<br />

early in the fourth century; in the larger cities and provincial capitals, it had<br />

for practical purposes come to an end towards the end <strong>of</strong> the century.<br />

Decurions, from being the political élite, had become a group <strong>of</strong> hereditary<br />

functionaries whose position was nothing to boast about – certainly<br />

no longer worth publicizing on an expensive monument. In the case <strong>of</strong><br />

provincial capitals, imperial <strong>of</strong>ficials remained concerned to maintain the<br />

classical and monumental appearance <strong>of</strong> the cities and took epigraphic<br />

credit for such public work as occurred. 37 It looks as if the administration<br />

was coming to regard provinces rather than cities as the basic administrative<br />

units <strong>of</strong> the empire. 38 Provincial assemblies, meeting at the capital,<br />

could be attended by decurions and honorati <strong>of</strong> all the cities in the province,<br />

and expressions <strong>of</strong> either praise or discontent, included in the acclamations<br />

<strong>of</strong> the provincial assembly, were sent to the emperor. Imperial legislation<br />

was now <strong>of</strong>ten addressed to the inhabitants <strong>of</strong> a particular province, and it<br />

would be logical if it was first promulgated to the provincial assembly, and<br />

subsequently placed on permanent public record in the provincial capital. 39<br />

The traditional diplomacy by embassy and panegyric seems to have ceased<br />

to operate between ordinary provincial cities and the emperor, and even<br />

between the provincial governor and the ordinary cities <strong>of</strong> his province. At<br />

any rate, such cities seem first to have stopped putting up inscribed monuments<br />

to emperors, and then to provincial governors as well. It becomes<br />

rare for an imperial decree to be inscribed in a provincial city. Imperial<br />

36 Examples <strong>of</strong> temporal distribution <strong>of</strong> inscriptions: Roueché, Aphrodisias passim; Sartre (1982)<br />

(Bostra). Laws: Seeck (1919) lists laws year by year. Papyri: Rémondon (1966); Bagnall and Worp (1980).<br />

37 Robert (1948). 38 Roueché, Aphrodisias 33–4; Roueché (1989) 218–21.<br />

39 Notably the provincial reforms <strong>of</strong> Justinian: see above, n. 23.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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