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622 21c. egypt<br />

Antinoopolis had a stable, a word that suggests, at the very least, that<br />

Theodore owned and kept horses; at most, that, like other landlords <strong>of</strong> dispersed<br />

properties, he had his own ‘postal service’ (cursus velox). 37 He may<br />

even have kept racehorses for the circus, a wildly popular entertainment,<br />

not only in a megalopolis like Constantinople or Alexandria, but also in<br />

Egyptian provincial capitals like Oxyrhynchus and, Theodore’s own hometown,<br />

Antinoopolis. A unique codex leaf excavated there in 1914 contains<br />

a fragmentary painting <strong>of</strong> five charioteers in Roman dress, wearing the<br />

colours <strong>of</strong> three <strong>of</strong> the four circus factions (red, blue, green). The physical<br />

remains <strong>of</strong> Antinoopolis’ circus suggest it was second in Egypt only to<br />

Alexandria’s in size and magnificence. 38<br />

More to the point in Theodore’s will, however, is its technical legal<br />

vocabulary, which included loanwords like codicilli (‘codicils’), epistula<br />

fideicommissaria (‘fideicommissary letter’) and peculium (‘nest egg’); but most<br />

extraordinary among these words is the reference to a ius Falcidium<br />

(‘Falcidian right’) based on a Roman law over six hundred years old, the Lex<br />

Falcidia <strong>of</strong> 40 b.c., whose purpose was to limit legacies to three-quarters<br />

the value <strong>of</strong> an inheritance. In his own will, Theodore seemingly envisages<br />

his grandmother complaining that the will’s legacies were too great; but he<br />

must also have sensed that in any litigation his will should have withstood<br />

challenge because so much had been set aside for the kinds <strong>of</strong> ‘charitable<br />

purposes’ ( piae causae) favoured in Justinian’s legislation. 39<br />

Much time has so far been spent on Theodore’s will, but its value as a mechanism<br />

for identifying phenomena typical <strong>of</strong> late antique Egypt has not<br />

quite been exhausted. Three more items are worth remark.<br />

First, in the will’s final clauses, Theodore manumits his slaves and establishes<br />

trust funds for his nurse and her daughter. Apparent in these measures<br />

is a fundamental characteristic <strong>of</strong> Egyptian slavery in this as in earlier<br />

periods <strong>of</strong> history – that is, slavery was an urban rather than a rural phenomenon.<br />

Egypt was a land whose agriculture, even as conducted on great<br />

estates, depended on the toil <strong>of</strong> a large class <strong>of</strong> peasants, not the efforts <strong>of</strong><br />

gangs <strong>of</strong> agricultural slaves. What slaves there were – and these were seemingly<br />

much fewer in late than in early imperial times – tended rather to be<br />

domestic slaves owned by those in society’s higher reaches. 40<br />

Second, some <strong>of</strong> the proceeds <strong>of</strong> Theodore’s estate were to be devoted<br />

to the pious cause <strong>of</strong> ransoming prisoners. 41 The will does not specify, but<br />

37 Esp. P.Oxy. i138(610/11), Apiones <strong>of</strong> Oxyrhynchus.<br />

38 In general: Cameron, Circus Factions; Antinoopolis: Turner (1973) (the codex leaf); Humphrey<br />

(1986) 513–16.<br />

39 Berger (1953) 552 s.v. Lex Falcidia (citing Inst. ii.22, D. 35.2; 3; CJ vi.50) and 629–30 s.v. piae causae<br />

40 (citing CJ i.3). In general: Hagemann (1953). Bagnall, Egypt ch. 6. Cf. Fichman [Fikhman] (1973).<br />

41 Cf. Just. Nov. 65 (538), 120.9 (544); Shenoute, Opera ed. Leipoldt, iii.69–77. In general: Amirante<br />

(1957).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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