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804 26. holy men<br />

(Shenoute, Contra Origenistas 259, ed. T. Orlandi (Rome 1985) 19; cf. Kropp<br />

(1930) 120).<br />

Though presented as a defence <strong>of</strong> the faith against ‘heathen’ customs,<br />

and couched in terms <strong>of</strong> exhortations directed principally at a Christian<br />

laity deemed to be more mired in non-Christian habits than were their<br />

leaders, the long war on sorcery within the Christian community <strong>of</strong>ten took<br />

the form <strong>of</strong> an internecine feud between rival experts on the sacred among<br />

the monks and clergy themselves. It was a Great Old Man, and not a pagan<br />

sorcerer, not even a Christian layman, who shocked Shenoute <strong>of</strong> Atripe by<br />

recommending a jackal’s claw tied to his right toe as the correct remedy for<br />

his client, a Christian governor (Shenoute, Contra Origenistas 821, Orlandi<br />

62). The middle age <strong>of</strong> Theodore <strong>of</strong> Sykeon was troubled by an influential<br />

priest, a great sorcerer and philanderer, known as ‘the Billy Goat <strong>of</strong><br />

Bithynia’ (V. Theod. Syk. 159, Festugière (1970) 134).<br />

Deadly conflict between members <strong>of</strong> the clerical élites on theological<br />

issues caused the overlapping systems <strong>of</strong> explanation to explode. Sorcery<br />

alone could explain the miracles <strong>of</strong> theological opponents. In the stormy<br />

ecclesiastical history <strong>of</strong> the fifth and sixth century, we rarely find a holy<br />

man <strong>of</strong> an opposing party who is not dismissed at one time or another by<br />

his rivals as a mere sorcerer. 43 Occasionally we come upon a precious<br />

moment when a community, as a whole, was forced to make up its mind<br />

as to the meaning <strong>of</strong> an untoward event. Only then do we realize the<br />

freedom <strong>of</strong> manoeuvre enjoyed by late Roman persons within the interstices<br />

<strong>of</strong> the explanatory systems that jostled at the back <strong>of</strong> their minds.<br />

When, in 420, the monk Fronto challenged local noble families and clergy<br />

at Tarragona on an inconclusive charge <strong>of</strong> sorcery, a servant <strong>of</strong> count<br />

Asterius burst into the crowded basilica with an armed retinue. Pointing at<br />

Fronto, he roared:<br />

Give me that dog. I will stop his barking . . .<br />

That evening, the servant died <strong>of</strong> a stroke.<br />

When this happened, all the faithful, frightened by the obvious power <strong>of</strong> this sign,<br />

ceased to attack me for a little while. But my enemies and the count’s whole household<br />

. . . demanded that I be punished as a murderer, since I had killed a man with<br />

death-dealing spells. There were even a few <strong>of</strong> those, totally lacking in faith, who<br />

said that it had all happened by coincidence. (Aug. Ep. 11*.13)<br />

Such uncertainty was not surprising. For many late antique Christians,<br />

the sacred was pr<strong>of</strong>oundly faceless and ill-defined. Illusion was always possible.<br />

The Great Old Men <strong>of</strong> the desert had fostered a view <strong>of</strong> the untrans-<br />

43 Barsauma denounced by the emperor Marcian: Nau (1913) 130; Zu’ura denounced by pope<br />

Agapetus: John Eph. Lives <strong>of</strong> the Eastern Saints 2, PO xvii.27. The Nestorians were convinced that the<br />

Monophysites had replaced the relics <strong>of</strong> Mar Mattai by a sorcery-idol: The <strong>Hi</strong>story <strong>of</strong> Rabban Hormizd<br />

xvi, tr. E. A. W. Budge (London 1902) 120.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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