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Cambridge Ancient Hi.. - Index of

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the maintenance <strong>of</strong> order 479<br />

The efficient exercise <strong>of</strong> imperial or royal authority required a substantial<br />

community <strong>of</strong> interest between such local grandees and the monarch.<br />

In the east, the emperor preserved the balance in his own favour. Even in<br />

the Balkans, when the obscure Scamareis took advantage <strong>of</strong> the severe disruption<br />

caused by Slav invasions to rob an Avar embassy, Tiberius could<br />

identify the guilty and restore some <strong>of</strong> the property; under Maurice a<br />

savage brigand chief was persuaded by a personal letter from the emperor<br />

to stop his activities and come to court. 32 Brigands might well be people <strong>of</strong><br />

some local prominence who had become marginalized, perhaps through<br />

no particular fault <strong>of</strong> their own, and whom it was important for emperors<br />

to reattach to the proper channels <strong>of</strong> authority: a good example <strong>of</strong> the<br />

process is the fourth-century Gallic brigand Charietto, a man whose<br />

support for an unsuccessful usurper destroyed his connections with the<br />

imperial centre, but who was then brought back into the fold by Julian.<br />

In the west, the inability <strong>of</strong> the emperor to maintain such control led to<br />

the emergence <strong>of</strong> ‘warlordism’. 33 Local groups had to undertake their own<br />

protection with scant regard to central interests: depending on the point <strong>of</strong><br />

view <strong>of</strong> the source, their leaders might be termed ‘kings’, as were Aegidius<br />

and Syagrius in their principality at Soissons, or the groups dismissed as<br />

bagaudae, whether it is correct to interpret these contentious people as the<br />

Gallic equivalent <strong>of</strong> the private retinues <strong>of</strong> magnates in Asia Minor or as<br />

peasant communities that had relocated themselves away from areas <strong>of</strong><br />

regular fighting. The members <strong>of</strong> such communities may well have<br />

acknowledged imperial authority in theory, but have been more reluctant<br />

to accept it in practice, especially if their preferred emperor was no longer<br />

in control. 34 The establishment both <strong>of</strong> the Visigoths in Aquitaine and,<br />

more certainly, <strong>of</strong> Alans in northern Gaul has been seen as an imperial<br />

response to such loss <strong>of</strong> civilian authority in parts <strong>of</strong> Gaul, and Aetius was<br />

prepared to use the Alans to regain control <strong>of</strong> subject Romans; if this<br />

hypothesis is correct, the strategy brought no more than short-term relief,<br />

since the main beneficiaries were the tribes. 35<br />

Within the emerging tribal kingdoms, rulers faced similar problems <strong>of</strong><br />

authority, albeit on a smaller scale. In Visigothic Spain, kings had a fundamental<br />

problem in attempting to make royal authority anything more than<br />

nominal outside the immediate location <strong>of</strong> the court: in the mid sixth<br />

century the inhabitants <strong>of</strong> Cordoba could rout the king, appropriate his<br />

treasure and, like Mérida, maintain virtual independence for several years.<br />

Such determined conduct required joint action by local Romans and<br />

Visigoths against their supposed master. 36 The king had no less difficulty<br />

than a Roman emperor in retaining full control over his military following<br />

32 Menander fr. 15.6; Farka (1993–4). 33 Whittaker (1994) ch. 7.<br />

34 Van Dam, Leadership and Community ch. 1.3; Drinkwater (1992); cf. ch. 18 (Wood), pp. 502,9 below.<br />

35 Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms 8–12; Burns (1992) 56–7. 36 Collins (1980) 198–201.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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