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42 2. the eastern empire: theodosius to anastasius<br />

number <strong>of</strong> times over the past century when confronted by particularly<br />

intransigent barbarian leaders. 55 On this occasion, the plan became known<br />

to Attila and failed, and the empire was fortunate to escape the consequences<br />

<strong>of</strong> his wrath relatively lightly, probably owing to the fact that his<br />

attention was now turning westwards. 56<br />

There can be no doubt that the Huns, and Attila in particular, caused the<br />

eastern empire considerable damage and discomfort during Theodosius’<br />

reign, whether in terms <strong>of</strong> the loss <strong>of</strong> productivity and revenue caused by<br />

Hunnic devastation <strong>of</strong> the Balkans, 57 the financial drain <strong>of</strong> annual treaty<br />

payments, or the way in which the timing <strong>of</strong> Hunnic demands and invasions<br />

limited Constantinople’s freedom <strong>of</strong> action elsewhere. But while the<br />

situation was <strong>of</strong>ten grim, particularly for the inhabitants <strong>of</strong> the Balkans and<br />

particularly in 447, the period as a whole was not one <strong>of</strong> unremitting disaster<br />

in which the eastern empire was utterly helpless in the face <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Hunnic threat. Eastern armies undoubtedly suffered decisive defeats in<br />

447, but they had also been able to force a Hunnic withdrawal a few years<br />

earlier. 58 The very fact that the Huns did so <strong>of</strong>ten time their diplomatic and<br />

military <strong>of</strong>fensives to take advantage <strong>of</strong> temporary Roman handicaps or the<br />

absence <strong>of</strong> troops implies a healthy respect for Roman arms on the part <strong>of</strong><br />

the Huns and helps to keep Hunnic successes in perspective. Attila’s death<br />

in 453 was to reveal just how fragile the foundations <strong>of</strong> his empire were,<br />

though Theodosius’ own demise in 450 meant that it was his successor who<br />

savoured the relief occasioned by that fortuitous turn <strong>of</strong> events – and who<br />

had also to cope with the first phase <strong>of</strong> its momentous consequences.<br />

ii. the successors <strong>of</strong> theodosius<br />

1. Marcian<br />

Theodosius died on 28 July 450 from injuries sustained in a fall from his horse<br />

while hunting. <strong>Hi</strong>s marriage to Eudocia had produced no male <strong>of</strong>fspring, 59<br />

and perhaps excusably, given the sudden and unexpected nature <strong>of</strong> his death,<br />

he had not made public any choice <strong>of</strong> successor. Nearly a month later, on 25<br />

August, a new emperor was at last proclaimed in the person <strong>of</strong> an unknown<br />

fifty-eight-year-old former army <strong>of</strong>ficer <strong>of</strong> Balkan origin named Marcian.<br />

The long delay between Theodosius’ death and Marcian’s accession belies<br />

the reports, no doubt initiated by Marcian’s supporters, that the new emperor<br />

was Theodosius’ deathbed choice. But if Theodosius did not promote<br />

Marcian, then someone else must have. The western emperor Valentinian III<br />

was the one individual with an obvious claim to arbitrate in this matter, but<br />

55 Lee (forthcoming). 56 Blockley (1992) 66–7.<br />

57 On which see ch. 23 (Whitby), pp. 709,12 below. 58 Zuckerman (1994) 167–8.<br />

59 On the spurious ‘Arcadius 1’<strong>of</strong> PLRE ii, see Holum, Empresses 178 n. 14.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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