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312 11. the army, c. 420,602<br />

<strong>of</strong> his new Thracian recruits in 544, and in the 570s both Justinian and<br />

Maurice acquired reputations as disciplinarians after having to cope with<br />

significant influxes <strong>of</strong> new troops. 100 But accusations <strong>of</strong> declining standards<br />

are a familiar theme in Roman, indeed in all, military history, and criticism<br />

needs to be assessed in the light <strong>of</strong> the armies’ performance in the field.<br />

The main causes <strong>of</strong> poor morale and indiscipline in the sixth century<br />

were, unsurprisingly, lack <strong>of</strong> pay or supplies and military defeat. The army<br />

was such a complex and expensive institution to support that the existence<br />

<strong>of</strong> some problems was inevitable, especially at times <strong>of</strong> financial stringency.<br />

Armies serving in areas that could not locally support the troops<br />

were particularly liable to suffer, hence the difficulties in the expeditionary<br />

armies in Africa and Italy when counter-<strong>of</strong>fensives prevented the organized<br />

exploitation <strong>of</strong> local resources, and in the Balkans, an area renowned for<br />

impoverishment but with a large military establishment. Mutineers were<br />

treated with the same mixture <strong>of</strong> exemplary harshness and general pardon<br />

as in previous centuries: soldiers had always been too valuable to squander<br />

if they could be cowed into obedience. There is no evidence that Roman<br />

traditions in this respect had been forgotten in the sixth-century army,<br />

whether because <strong>of</strong> difficulties over manpower or creeping ‘barbarization’<br />

<strong>of</strong> the military. 101<br />

Eastern armies fulfilled their defensive functions through to the end <strong>of</strong><br />

the sixth century. It seems unlikely that the late Roman army was ever organized<br />

in accordance with some grand ‘scientific’ strategy for protecting the<br />

empire: frontiers did not operate as rigid exclusion zones, and field armies<br />

tended to be marshalled after the appearance <strong>of</strong> a threat (as in 540) rather<br />

than maintained, at much greater cost, in a state <strong>of</strong> permanent readiness.<br />

But the protection <strong>of</strong> the empire was not as amateurish as might be concluded<br />

either from the lack <strong>of</strong> good maps and regular intelligence about<br />

threatening neighbours, or from the absence <strong>of</strong> discussions <strong>of</strong> strategic<br />

matters in Graeco-Roman literature, especially in the tradition <strong>of</strong> military<br />

handbooks. Generations <strong>of</strong> observation and experience ensured that<br />

Roman armies, <strong>of</strong>ficers and emperors, part <strong>of</strong> whose duty it was to protect<br />

the empire, were aware <strong>of</strong> the likely origin, nature and direction <strong>of</strong><br />

threats. 102 Most military forces – obviously, Hunnic or Avar cavalry or a<br />

Persian grand army under the king’s command, but also a Slav war-band<br />

when accompanied by wagons – were constrained to move along recognized<br />

routes where travel was easy and supplies available.<br />

The Romans organized their defences as particular needs emerged.<br />

Problems <strong>of</strong> campaigning on the eastern front stimulated the construction<br />

<strong>of</strong> Dara by Anastasius, and after the loss <strong>of</strong> Dara in 573 the same logic<br />

100 Procop. Wars iii.12.8–22; viii.33.2–3; Theophylact iii.12.7; Menander fr. 23.3.<br />

101 Maurice, Strat. i.6.19–22; Whitby (1995) sec. 6, contra Kaegi (1981) 72.<br />

102 Contrasting views in Luttwak (1976), Isaac, Limits <strong>of</strong> Empire ch. ix and Lee (1993) esp. ch. 4.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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