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from roman to post-roman 721<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Avars. Widespread Slav raiding began in 577, and Tiberius’ only<br />

response was to employ the Avars, who had their own quarrel with the<br />

Slavs, to attack Slav territory. This revealed the extent <strong>of</strong> Roman weakness,<br />

and the Avars renewed their attempts on Sirmium, eventually capturing the<br />

city in 581/2 after a three-year blockade. 66 In the first decade <strong>of</strong> Maurice’s<br />

reign the Avars re-enacted the attacks <strong>of</strong> Attila’s Huns: like them, they were<br />

capable <strong>of</strong> capturing fortified cities, at least north <strong>of</strong> the Stara Planina, and<br />

as long as the Persian war continued, there was little that the Romans could<br />

do but purchase a peace, at a price that rose from 80,000 to 100,000 solidi in<br />

584. At the same time Slav raiding continued, partly encouraged by the<br />

Avars but also partly stimulated by fear <strong>of</strong> them. Slav bands reached the<br />

Long Walls <strong>of</strong> Constantinople in 584, Thessalonica was briefly attacked in<br />

586, and their raiding extended as far south as Athens, Corinth and into the<br />

Peloponnese. 67 In the 590s the termination <strong>of</strong> the Persian war allowed a<br />

greater concentration on Balkan affairs, and the narrative <strong>of</strong> Roman campaigns<br />

suggests a gradual reassertion <strong>of</strong> control across the countryside to<br />

the south <strong>of</strong> the Danube, the reopening <strong>of</strong> communications with isolated<br />

cities that had survived the years <strong>of</strong> ravaging, and the extension <strong>of</strong> the war<br />

to the north <strong>of</strong> the Danube to instil in Slavs and Avars a fear <strong>of</strong> Roman<br />

power; attention was paid to their enemies’ military capabilities, aspects <strong>of</strong><br />

Avar organization and equipment were copied, suitable tactics and strategies<br />

were devised, and by 602 it appeared that the Romans had begun to<br />

dominate the Slavs on the lower Danube and to create dissension within<br />

the Avar federation based in Pannonia. 68<br />

iv. from roman to post-roman<br />

So far, the progress <strong>of</strong> this chapter has been dictated by the sequence <strong>of</strong><br />

invaders whose activities determined the pace and direction <strong>of</strong> developments.<br />

On the other hand, although lack <strong>of</strong> evidence makes it difficult to<br />

analyse the region’s history from the perspective <strong>of</strong> its Roman inhabitants,<br />

some attempt must be made if the fundamental changes in population and<br />

organization that occurred at the end <strong>of</strong> the Roman period are to be understood.<br />

If in the early fifth century the northern Balkans were already a war<br />

zone trampled by tribal bands and Roman armies, the southern Balkans<br />

and in particular peninsular Greece had as yet escaped severe damage. A<br />

survey <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> Athens from the Gothic attack in 396 to the Slav<br />

arrival in the 580s is divided into three phases – ‘prosperity, decline and disaster’<br />

– and, although Athens had certain unique features, this paradigm is<br />

clearly <strong>of</strong> much wider application in the southern province <strong>of</strong> Achaea. 69<br />

66 Menander frr. 21, 25, 27. 67 Theophylact i.3.1–7.6; Whitby, Maurice 140–51.<br />

68 Whitby, Maurice 156–65, 176–81. 69 Frantz (1988) ch. iv.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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