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the extent <strong>of</strong> the change 361<br />

instance, the appearance <strong>of</strong> new trading networks, and new towns, in both<br />

the North Sea area (as at Hamwic, Dorestad and Hedeby) and the western<br />

Mediterranean (as at Venice).<br />

iii. the extent <strong>of</strong> the change<br />

Except in the Near East, the changes outlined above were remarkable.The<br />

phenomenon we are looking at is not a simple shrinkage, as if the economy<br />

<strong>of</strong> the seventh century were essentially similar to that <strong>of</strong> the fourth, but on<br />

a more restricted scale. Rather, there was a remarkable qualitative change<br />

in economic life, with whole areas <strong>of</strong> specialization and exchange disappearing<br />

and, in some regions, even very basic technology apparently<br />

ceasing to exist.<br />

For example, in Britain a number <strong>of</strong> skills entirely disappeared, to be<br />

reintroduced from the continent only in the seventh and eighth century.<br />

Some <strong>of</strong> these, such as the art <strong>of</strong> building in mortared brick or stone, were<br />

perhaps particularly associated with Roman fashions <strong>of</strong> display, and so may<br />

have been peculiarly sensitive to political and cultural change. But at least<br />

one skill that disappeared, the art <strong>of</strong> making pottery on the wheel, is a very<br />

basic technique that speeds up considerably the production <strong>of</strong> goodquality<br />

pottery. It is hard to understand how such a simple tool as the<br />

potter’s wheel could disappear, but presumably individual potters in the<br />

fifth and sixth century found the demand for pots was so low (because<br />

markets were so localized and so small in scale) that it was not worthwhile<br />

continuing its use (or borrowing it again from the continent).<br />

The scale and impact <strong>of</strong> change was dramatic, as can be seen if it is<br />

placed in a broad historical perspective. Post-Roman Britain, <strong>of</strong> the fifth<br />

and sixth century, retained almost nothing <strong>of</strong> the sophistications <strong>of</strong> Roman<br />

economic life and, although this is a fact that is initially hard to credit, even<br />

sank to an economic level well below that reached in the pre-Roman Iron<br />

Age. In the pre-Roman period, southern Britain was importing quantities<br />

<strong>of</strong> Gallic wine and pottery, and sustained a number <strong>of</strong> native potting industries<br />

(some <strong>of</strong> them producing wheel-turned wares) whose products were<br />

distributed quite widely. It also had the beginnings <strong>of</strong> towns, some <strong>of</strong><br />

which (like Hengistbury) were clearly dependent for their existence on<br />

commerce, as well as on their defensive and political importance; and it had<br />

a silver coinage, produced in such quantities that it was almost certainly<br />

used for economic as well as political transactions. 24<br />

Post-Roman Britain <strong>of</strong> the fifth and sixth century had none <strong>of</strong> these<br />

things, either in Anglo-Saxon or in British areas, with the single exception<br />

<strong>of</strong> a small-scale trade in Mediterranean pottery and wine amphorae that<br />

24 Iron Age Britain: see, for example, Cunliffe (1978) 157–9, 299–300 and 337–42.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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