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eastern survival 313<br />

dictated the development <strong>of</strong> Monocarton. The need to increase the security<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Armenian frontier led Justinian to strengthen Martyropolis and<br />

construct a new fortress at Citharizon: these eastern forts were focal<br />

points for future campaigns, an indication <strong>of</strong> their strategic impact. 103 In<br />

the Balkans, the Danube had a number <strong>of</strong> known crossing points which<br />

Roman garrisons could observe, and south <strong>of</strong> the frontier there were relatively<br />

few passes over the Haemus, Rhodope and Pindus ranges, so that<br />

Roman defenders, if well prepared, could anticipate the movements <strong>of</strong><br />

raiding parties and attack when appropriate. 104 No emperor could afford<br />

to neglect his armies for long, and although it might make good propaganda<br />

to blame problems on a predecessor’s mistakes or inaction, such<br />

accusations need to be treated cautiously.<br />

Diplomacy was an essential element in the structure <strong>of</strong> Roman defences,<br />

its efficacy depending on the availability <strong>of</strong> military force to back up promises,<br />

and its operations <strong>of</strong>ten being conducted by, or at least in conjunction<br />

with, military commanders. Relations with Persia were organized sysematically,<br />

as befitted long-standing neighbours who were bound by a number<br />

<strong>of</strong> common interests as much as antagonized by points <strong>of</strong> dispute.<br />

Diplomatic exchanges were structured, with minor embassies following<br />

major missions and envoys travelling according to a schedule and being<br />

welcomed in Constantinople in set form. 105<br />

Throughout most <strong>of</strong> the fifth and sixth centuries the Romans remained<br />

on the defensive in the east: emperors had pressing concerns in the Balkans<br />

and the west and little expectation <strong>of</strong> territorial gain in Mesopotamia or<br />

Armenia, so that the combined objective <strong>of</strong> diplomacy and military<br />

defences was to deter Persian aggression, or terminate a war quickly once<br />

fighting had begun. The exception was Justin II’s aggression in 572, when<br />

Persian difficulties with Armenians and Turks appeared to <strong>of</strong>fer the<br />

Romans an escape from having to begin annual cash payments to Persia,<br />

the concession they fought hardest to avoid, since it could imply an acceptance<br />

<strong>of</strong> inferior tributary status. 106 Both empires accepted that local<br />

squabbles between clients could involve their patrons in wider conflict,<br />

willingly or unwillingly; the peace-time ideal – enshrined, for example, in<br />

the Fifty Years’ Peace <strong>of</strong> 561/2 – was for the military authorities on both<br />

sides <strong>of</strong> the frontier to co-operate in the rapid elimination <strong>of</strong> such aggravations.<br />

107 Diplomatic contacts across European frontiers were less governed<br />

by long traditions, but had the same basic objectives <strong>of</strong> protecting<br />

Roman interests and defusing threats without resort to the uncertainty and<br />

expense <strong>of</strong> war. Here there was always a danger that reluctance to fight<br />

would be interpreted as weakness, and hence merely act as an incitement to<br />

103 Zachariah vii.6; Procop. Buildings iii.2–3; Whitby, Maurice 209–13. 104 Whitby, Maurice 70–9.<br />

105 Whitby, Maurice 215–18; Lee (1993) 166–70; Blockley (1992) 151–63.<br />

106 Whitby, Maurice 250–3. 107 Details in Menander fr. 6.1.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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