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464 16. state, lordship and community in the west<br />

survival <strong>of</strong> a world where it was chiefly important to be a free landowner,<br />

but also the kinds <strong>of</strong> processes which might lead to its destruction. 85<br />

(b) Freedmen<br />

A second feature <strong>of</strong> the social structures <strong>of</strong> the post-Roman west is the<br />

prominence and redefinition <strong>of</strong> a class <strong>of</strong> freedmen (liberti). Such a category<br />

had long existed within Roman society, but, in the post-Roman period,<br />

it evolved a new form. This was characterized by a permanent inherited<br />

dependence <strong>of</strong> freed persons and their <strong>of</strong>fspring towards the manumitter<br />

and his or her descendants. The <strong>of</strong>fspring <strong>of</strong> Roman freedmen, by contrast,<br />

acquired total freedom. In Gaul, the new type <strong>of</strong> freedmen had become an<br />

important social grouping by the end <strong>of</strong> the seventh century at the latest.<br />

In the early-eighth-century will <strong>of</strong> Abbo <strong>of</strong> Provence, they form the most<br />

numerous category <strong>of</strong> persons mentioned. In Spain, the church seems to<br />

have made considerable use <strong>of</strong> this new style <strong>of</strong> manumission in the early<br />

seventh century, with lay lords following suit later. From Italy there is less<br />

evidence, but the mid-seventh-century edict <strong>of</strong> Rothari again includes a<br />

series <strong>of</strong> provisions concerning this class. 86<br />

What prompted the evolution <strong>of</strong> a class <strong>of</strong> new, permanently dependent<br />

liberti? For Visigothic Spain, it has been argued that they were generated in<br />

an attempt to square the demands <strong>of</strong> Christian ethics with an existing<br />

pattern <strong>of</strong> material, especially landed, wealth. Emerging Christian morality<br />

declared the freeing <strong>of</strong> slaves to be a good thing, particularly for saintly<br />

bishops. This tended to dissipate church assets, however, since people were<br />

as important as land in agricultural production. Permanently dependent<br />

liberti thus <strong>of</strong>fered Christian gentlemen – ecclesiastical or lay – the opportunity<br />

to make their manumissions while, at the same time, preserving the<br />

tied labour force which was central to their wealth. 87 There is an obvious<br />

plausibility to this picture.<br />

I suspect, however, that the new liberti may also have something to do<br />

with the militarization <strong>of</strong> society in the post-Roman world. According to<br />

Visigothic law codes, all liberti were required to fight with their lords when<br />

the army was mobilized. This prescription applied to only a percentage –<br />

5 per cent, raised to 10 per cent by king Wamba – <strong>of</strong> full slaves. A similar<br />

distinction operated in the Merovingian kingdom, where liberti seem to<br />

have been classed among the arms-bearing groups <strong>of</strong> society and expected<br />

to fight, again under the aegis <strong>of</strong> their lord. 88 The popularity <strong>of</strong> freedmen<br />

85 Davies (1988) esp. chs. 3–7. Whether this peasant society represents unbroken continuity from<br />

the late Roman world is unclear.<br />

86 Will <strong>of</strong> Abbo: Geary (1985) 91–9. Spain: Claude (1980). Rothari’s Edict passim on aldii, esp. 76–102.<br />

87 Claude (1980).<br />

88 Visigothic Code 9.2.8–9. Salic Law 26.1; although Laws <strong>of</strong> the Ripuarian Franks 60–1 distinguishes<br />

church freedman from other liberti.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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