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the arabs in late antiquity 679<br />

much early and possibly genuine material and the creation <strong>of</strong> many new<br />

accounts. 5 Most importantly, pre-Islamic Arabia played an important role<br />

in early Islamic kerygma. In explanation <strong>of</strong> the success <strong>of</strong> Islam and the<br />

Arab conquerors, Muslim scholars and transmitters interpreted Islam’s<br />

emergence from Arabia as part <strong>of</strong> God’s divine plan. 6 Part <strong>of</strong> this conception<br />

involved presentation <strong>of</strong> the pre-Islamic Arabs as naïve coarse barbarians<br />

– ragged ignorant nomads and eaters <strong>of</strong> snakes and lizards, for<br />

example – and Arabia as a quintessential wasteland. This contrasted sharply<br />

with the powerful and sophisticated peoples <strong>of</strong> the empires to the north<br />

and the richness and fertility <strong>of</strong> their lands; obviously, the Arab victories<br />

against such formidable foes could only have been won by God’s permission<br />

and as part <strong>of</strong> his plan for mankind. 7 This paradigm is manifestly kerygmatic,<br />

and while it may at various points correspond to historical reality<br />

it does not spring from that reality. In each case, then, the historian must<br />

judge – <strong>of</strong>ten on insecure grounds – the extent to which the motifs and<br />

stereotypes <strong>of</strong> this kerygma have affected his sources. 8<br />

ii. the arabs in late antiquity<br />

Extant references to ‘Arabs’ begin in the ninth century b.c., 9 and in ensuing<br />

centuries attest to their presence in Arabia, Syria and Iraq and their interaction<br />

with the peoples <strong>of</strong> adjacent lands, encouraged in part by the Roman<br />

and Persian policy <strong>of</strong> using Arab groups to protect their desert flanks and<br />

perform military functions as confederates and auxiliaries. In Syria, Arab<br />

presence was prominent all along the fringe between the desert and the<br />

sown, 10 and inscriptions and literary sources confirm that many Arabs took<br />

up settled life in rural villages. 11 The hinterlands <strong>of</strong> inland Syrian cities were<br />

partly populated by Arabs, and major cities such as Damascus and Beroea<br />

(Aleppo) had significant Arab populations. In such situations Arabs certainly<br />

knew Greek and/or Syriac, and perhaps as their first languages. 12<br />

Arabs were also to be found through the pastoral steppe lands <strong>of</strong> northern<br />

Mesopotamia, where monks in the Jacobite and Nestorian monasteries<br />

occasionally comment on them. 13 In Iraq there were large groupings <strong>of</strong><br />

5 Ahlwardt (1872); H· usayn (1927) 171–86; Caskel (1930); Blachère (1952–66) i.85–127, 166–86;<br />

Birkeland (1956); Arafat (1958); Caskel (1966) i.1–71 (with the review in Henninger (1966)); Crone<br />

(1987) 203–30. 6 See the discussion in Conrad (forthcoming).<br />

7 Conrad (1987b) 39–40 and n. 46;(1998a) 238.<br />

8 The gravity <strong>of</strong> the source-critical problems is stressed in Whittow (1999), a detailed critique <strong>of</strong> the<br />

volumes on ‘Byzantium and the Arabs’ by Irfan Shahı - d (specifically, Shahı - d (1995)), which, though full<br />

<strong>of</strong> valuable information, pose serious problems and need always to be used with caution.<br />

9 Eph�al (1984) 75–7; Macdonald (1995a).<br />

10 Dussaud (1955) 51–161; Mayerson (1963); Sartre (1982).<br />

11 MacAdam (1983); Millar (1993b) 428–36.<br />

12 Nau (1933) 19–24; Trimingham (1979) 116–24; Shahı - d (1989) 134–45.<br />

13 Nau (1933) 15–18, 24–6; Charles (1936) 64–70; Trimingham (1979) 145–58.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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