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234 8. administration and politics in the cities<br />

<strong>of</strong> their ward’s property in the defensor’s presence. 207 The defensor is to assure<br />

punishment <strong>of</strong> robbers irrespective <strong>of</strong> who the robbers’ patrons are, 208 and<br />

he is allowed to order a whipping – but not <strong>of</strong> the innocent. 209 The enhanced<br />

position <strong>of</strong> the defensor in Visigothic Gaul resembles that <strong>of</strong> the same <strong>of</strong>fice<br />

as defined by Justinian in seemingly quite different circumstances in the<br />

east. 210<br />

The administration <strong>of</strong> cities in Ostrogothic Italy seems to have resembled<br />

that in Visigothic Gaul and Spain. The defensor was the local head <strong>of</strong><br />

the city, whose inhabitants were his clients. 211 Theoderic was delighted<br />

when the defensor and the curiales <strong>of</strong> Catania in Sicily took the initiative <strong>of</strong><br />

asking permission to restore the city walls using material from the ruined<br />

amphitheatre. 212 It was the defensor and curiales that Theoderic addressed<br />

when he made demands on cities. 213 The defensor was particularly responsible<br />

for fixing prices. 214 Besides the defensor, most – perhaps all – cities had<br />

a comes civitatis, appointed by the Ostrogothic king for supervision, and<br />

above all to exercise jurisdiction. 215<br />

We are once more allowed a relatively detailed view <strong>of</strong> cities in the west<br />

in the last quarter <strong>of</strong> the sixth century, when we have the Letters <strong>of</strong> Gregory<br />

the Great for Italy, the contemporary <strong>Hi</strong>story <strong>of</strong> Gregory <strong>of</strong> Tours for Gaul,<br />

and the Visigothic Code for Spain, together with a varied assortment <strong>of</strong><br />

supporting sources. It is clear that there has been a significant reduction in<br />

the classical institutions. Lay power in cities seems to be wielded by the royal<br />

representative, the comes and notables (cives) and their leaders (maiores or seniores)<br />

and <strong>of</strong> course the bishop, who will normally have been the most powerful<br />

and influential individual in the town. Bishops are recorded to have<br />

acted as judges, to have rebuilt walls, to have pleaded with the representatives<br />

<strong>of</strong> the king on the city’s behalf for remission <strong>of</strong> taxation and to have<br />

negotiated with threatening commanders in war, civil or otherwise. Bishops<br />

provided poor relief for individuals on the church’s register (matricula). 216<br />

They built hospitals and ransomed prisoners. They received donations on<br />

behalf <strong>of</strong> the church and could afford to build churches and found monasteries,<br />

even in disturbed times. 217 As far as the cities were concerned, the<br />

competition for authority between royal count and bishop seems to have<br />

been won by the bishop. It must, however, be remembered that our principal<br />

sources are Gregory’s <strong>Hi</strong>story and the Lives <strong>of</strong> saints, which almost certainly<br />

exaggerate the importance <strong>of</strong> bishops relative to that <strong>of</strong> lay magnates.<br />

Curiae and decurions and even the defensor seem to have ceased to play<br />

any part in the decision-making and administration <strong>of</strong> the city. They did,<br />

207 Conrat (1903) 730: C.Th. iii.17.3. 208 Conrat (1903) 731: C.Th. i.10.3.<br />

209 Conrat (1903) 732: C.Th. ii.1.10–12. 210 Nov. 15 (534). 211 Cass. Var. vii.11.<br />

212 Var. iii.49. 213 Var. iv.45, transport; v.14, tax collecting; iii.9, building material.<br />

214 Var. vii.11. 215 Var. vi.23, 26. 216 Rouche (1974).<br />

217 Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms 71–87; James (1988) 183–4; Pietri (1983).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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