Cambridge Ancient Hi.. - Index of

‘the age of justinian’ 905
as the site for the state ceremonial of Byzantium. 42 Not only was it the
largest building of its time, but its interior could be guaranteed to impress,
not only the Byzantines – from the first writer on the building, Procopius,
and the other court encomiasts like Paul the Silentiary – but visitors from
any country. 43 In this respect, the building offered, with its unrepentantly
repeated sign of the cross, a statement of the triumph of the Christian
religion in front of which all the faithful, whether orthodox or heterodox,
must assent to bow and worship. It may have been an inspired decision
after all.
In contrast with St Sophia, the redecoration of the churches of Ravenna
after the reconquest of 540 is of great visual complexity. 44 The city and
harbour of Ravenna had been developed from the mid fifth century, and
there were soon resplendent churches in the new city in the marshes. The
artists and architects seem to have come from Rome – at least, the stylistic
connections with Rome are often close. The so-called Mausoleum of Galla
Placidia owes nothing particular to Byzantine art in the east, either in its
domical vault or carpet covering of mosaic.
The inclusion of dynastic portraits was a recurrent feature of the
churches of the city (the local context is well documented in the later medieval
history of Agnellus), and when Theoderic took over the city and made
it the centre of a Gothic kingdom, he too employed artists with a knowledge
of the art of Rome to decorate his new Arian churches. 45 By the end
of the fifth century, Ravenna had two baptisteries and a rival ecclesiastical
situation. 46 Theoderic also began the construction of a new basilica dedicated
to Christ (c. 500–26). Its walls were decorated with mosaic – in the
highest register with New Testament scenes; in the lowest register below
the windows were the figures of Christ on one side and the Virgin on the
other. At the west end of this long register were topographical representations
of the port (Classis) and the palace. Within the palace façade were the
dynastic portraits of (probably) Theoderic and court. The style of the
upper biblical portraits was simple and direct, reminiscent of Roman
mosaics, even perhaps consciously going back, it has been suggested, to the
simplicity of the catacombs. The choice of imagery, since it omits the
Nativity and the Crucifixion and shows Christ in two forms (beardless in
the Miracles scenes and bearded in the Passion scenes), may reflect Arian
theology and thinking about the nature and sacrifice of Christ. 47 The decoration
of this church, which now carries its later medieval dedication,
42 Mainstone (1988).
43 Macrides and Magdalino (1988); and Majeska (1984) for the Russian perception. For local myths
of the church see the Narratio on the building of St Sophia, discussed by Dagron (1984) 191–314.
44 The fundamental studies are Deichmann (1958) and (1969, 1974, 1976, 1989).
45 Pizzaro (1995). 46 Wharton (1987).
47 Von Simson (1948); Nordström (1953); also Gregg and Groh (1981).
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