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336 12. land, labour and settlement<br />

ditch-and-bank; reoccupied and refortified Iron Age hill-forts; villas with<br />

towers and surrounding wall (see Fig. 6,p.326 above); and settlements built<br />

around strongly fortified refuge-towers. 37 However, the prevalence <strong>of</strong><br />

fortified sites in the late and post-Roman rural landscape should not be<br />

exaggerated: in some regions particularly exposed to raiding, like southern<br />

Tripolitania, it does seem as though rural fortresses were ubiquitous, but in<br />

most <strong>of</strong> the empire, even in the confused fifth- and sixth-century west, the<br />

vast majority <strong>of</strong> sites seem to have been only very lightly defended or not<br />

defended at all. 38<br />

The pattern <strong>of</strong> rural defence in our period is perhaps best understood<br />

in terms <strong>of</strong> the emergence <strong>of</strong> selected strongholds, leaving most settlements<br />

undefended, rather than as a widespread attempt to fortify every<br />

rural dwelling or to move people into enclosed defensible sites. 39 The fifthand<br />

sixth-century countryside did contain fortifications that had certainly<br />

not existed before, but it did not yet resemble the landscape <strong>of</strong>, say, late<br />

medieval central Italy, dominated by fortified hill-villages. Even in the<br />

unstable world <strong>of</strong> seventh-century northern Britain, the kings <strong>of</strong> Bernicia<br />

did not site their villa at Yeavering within the security <strong>of</strong> the nearby late<br />

Iron Age oppidum, but seem to have preferred to retreat, in times <strong>of</strong><br />

danger, to the impregnable fastness <strong>of</strong> their coastal fortress at Bamburgh,<br />

leaving Yeavering and their other rural estate-centres to be burnt to the<br />

ground. 40<br />

v. the pattern <strong>of</strong> land ownership; the status <strong>of</strong><br />

peasants<br />

When looking at how the land was shared out, and at the legal and social<br />

ties that bound many at the lower levels <strong>of</strong> society to that land, we are<br />

dependent mainly on written sources for our information. Patterns <strong>of</strong><br />

landholding and the status <strong>of</strong> rural dwellers can sometimes be revealed in<br />

the archaeological record: for instance, it is probably reasonable to infer<br />

that an excavated house which proves to have been expensively decorated<br />

was inhabited by an owner rather than a tenant. But <strong>of</strong>ten we are left guessing<br />

whether or not a small farmstead or a whole village, known only from<br />

archaeology, was part <strong>of</strong> a larger estate, and whether its inhabitants were<br />

free or tied to the land.<br />

37 For some examples <strong>of</strong> these types <strong>of</strong> fortification, and other variants: Van Ossel (1992) 163–4;<br />

Alcock (1972) 174–94; Démians d’Archimbaud (1994); Alföldy (1974) 214–20; Brogiolo (1994) 151–8;<br />

Anselmino et al.(1989); Mattingly and Hayes (1992); Mattingly (1995) 147–8 and 194–209.<br />

38 Tripolitania: Mattingly (1995) 147–8 and 194–209.<br />

39 The long list <strong>of</strong> (largely unknown) fortresses (phrouria) built or restored by Justinian in the Balkans,<br />

according to Procopius (Buildings iv.4), may be evidence <strong>of</strong> a different policy – <strong>of</strong> helping to provide<br />

or enhance defences for large numbers <strong>of</strong> villages and other settlements.<br />

40 Hope-Taylor (1977); Bede, HE iii.16 and 17.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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