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194 7. government and administration<br />

evolve gradually, through the introduction <strong>of</strong> a new <strong>of</strong>ficial or procedure<br />

which ran alongside existing arrangements until the innovation either demonstrated<br />

its effectiveness by marginalizing its predecessor or proved<br />

unequal to the task. Such an approach is illustrated by the introduction by<br />

Anastasius <strong>of</strong> vindices to supervise the collection <strong>of</strong> taxes by town councils:<br />

though they began as monitors <strong>of</strong> local arrangements, their superior<br />

authority contributed to undermining that <strong>of</strong> the local curiae (as Evagrius<br />

complained), which consequently declined further in power and attractiveness.<br />

135 This tendency for change to be gradual could also explain some <strong>of</strong><br />

the apparent administrative anomalies <strong>of</strong> the seventh century, when the<br />

praetorian prefecture and elements <strong>of</strong> provincial administration under its<br />

authority persisted long after the appearance <strong>of</strong> the systems that would<br />

replace them.<br />

Major administrative change might creep up on the empire for a variety<br />

<strong>of</strong> reasons, and it is difficult to be specific about causes and effects. A<br />

good example is the question <strong>of</strong> adaeratio, the practice <strong>of</strong> commuting into<br />

gold coin taxes and payments which were assessed in kind. This habit<br />

emerged in the western empire during the fifth century, but rather more<br />

gradually in the east, where commutation <strong>of</strong> the land-tax into gold<br />

remained restricted until Anastasius switched most into gold, while<br />

leaving sufficient to be collected in kind for the needs <strong>of</strong> the field armies.<br />

It is interesting that adaeratio was regarded as a privilege, since the most<br />

obvious beneficiary <strong>of</strong> the practice would appear to be the state: it could<br />

obtain the gold which it needed to pay troops, especially non-Roman mercenaries,<br />

136 and also save on the expense and labour <strong>of</strong> the cursus clabularis<br />

and corvées; the state could then, in theory, choose where to purchase the<br />

goods and services which it needed, hence permitting armies to move<br />

rapidly to respond to crises, though in practice this flexibility will have<br />

been constrained by the facts <strong>of</strong> supply and demand. Benefits for taxpayers<br />

are less clear: the combined consequences <strong>of</strong> demands for tax payments<br />

in coin and the removal in Asiana <strong>of</strong> the state post, which had<br />

provided the means for injecting coinage into local economies, are<br />

reported, in similar terms, by Procopius and John Lydus; 137 both reports<br />

are tendentious and may exaggerate a transitional local crisis. If Asiana<br />

failed to adjust to the new tax regime in the medium term, it may have<br />

been exceptional: the emperor Leo had already introduced a similar<br />

change in the Oriens diocese in 467/8, while the picture <strong>of</strong> rural life in<br />

Galatia in the late sixth century in the Life <strong>of</strong> Theodore <strong>of</strong> Sykeon suggests<br />

a moderately prosperous and tax-paying peasant economy – these<br />

135 Evagr. HE iii.42; Priscian, Pan. Anast. 193 presented the panegyrical claim that the vindices protected<br />

the farmers from the rapacity <strong>of</strong> the curiales. For further discussion <strong>of</strong> the fate <strong>of</strong> the curiales, see<br />

ch. 8 (Liebeschuetz), pp. 219,22 below. 136 Carrié (1995) 35–9.<br />

137 Procop. Secret <strong>Hi</strong>story 30; John Lydus, De Mag. iii.61; Hendy, Studies 294–9.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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