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348 13. specialized production and exchange<br />

(like stone). Fortunately, pottery not only survives well, but also <strong>of</strong>fers the<br />

economic historian enormous benefits. It can generally be dated and<br />

assigned to a particular manufacturing centre, and its quality and finish<br />

themselves tell us something <strong>of</strong> the level <strong>of</strong> sophistication that went into<br />

its production.<br />

The pottery trade, within the wider economy, was never <strong>of</strong> great importance,<br />

but the considerable evidence we have for it can perhaps be used as<br />

an indicator <strong>of</strong> broader economic trends. Since pots are everyday products<br />

in universal use (whether cooking-pots, storage-jars or tableware), rather<br />

than rare or luxury items, it is, I believe, reasonable to use the pottery trade<br />

as an index <strong>of</strong> the wider role <strong>of</strong> specialization and exchange within the<br />

economy. If pottery was being produced by sophisticated potting industries<br />

and was being traded widely, reaching even distant and inland rural<br />

areas, then it is highly likely that other comparable industries, that have left<br />

few or no archaeological traces (making tools, clothing, farming equipment,<br />

etc.), were equally sophisticated. Conversely, if all pottery was poorly<br />

made and local in manufacture, then other products too are likely to have<br />

been <strong>of</strong> a similar lack <strong>of</strong> sophistication. Furthermore, shipwreck evidence<br />

shows that no pots, except amphorae, ever travelled alone in single shipments;<br />

so it is also possible to use finds <strong>of</strong> imported pottery as a traceelement<br />

<strong>of</strong> the shipment <strong>of</strong> goods that have themselves left no mark in the<br />

soil.<br />

A major problem with the archaeological evidence <strong>of</strong> pottery and other<br />

products is that higher-quality goods and long-distance exchange have (not<br />

unnaturally) attracted far more archaeological attention than less spectacular<br />

regional industries, even though these were almost certainly <strong>of</strong> as great,<br />

if not far greater, economic significance. It is, for example, now possible to<br />

study in some detail the distribution within the Mediterranean <strong>of</strong> the fine<br />

marble and high-quality tablewares which were fashionable in late antiquity,<br />

but it is not yet possible to study the local and regional industries that produced<br />

the bulk building-materials (stone, brick, tile, mortar, etc.) nor the<br />

industries that produced the myriad different types <strong>of</strong> local cooking-wares. 4<br />

One further area <strong>of</strong> archaeological evidence – the quantities <strong>of</strong> coin<br />

found on different sites – sheds some light on the intensity <strong>of</strong> local exchange<br />

but is difficult to use in detail. There is good evidence from the Roman<br />

period <strong>of</strong> the widespread and frequent use <strong>of</strong> coins in everyday life, so their<br />

presence or absence can be an index <strong>of</strong> commercial exchange. However,<br />

coins were not primarily produced by the state in order to facilitate private<br />

economic activity. Rather, they were minted in order to ease the process <strong>of</strong><br />

raising taxation and <strong>of</strong> paying imperial servants (in particular, the military).<br />

So, in their production and diffusion (and hence in patterns <strong>of</strong> discovery in<br />

4 Marble: Dodge and Ward-Perkins (1992). Tablewares: Hayes (1972); Hayes (1980); Atlante (1981).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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