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western collapse 299<br />

army: military forces were external to society, and fought for the control <strong>of</strong><br />

a passive population. 41 In Italy the situation only began to change during<br />

the protracted wars <strong>of</strong> reconquest: in 546/7 a powerful local landowner,<br />

Tullianus, enrolled Lucanian peasants, whom he commanded in the<br />

defence <strong>of</strong> their province – though they were reinforced by the presence<br />

<strong>of</strong> 300 Antae. 42<br />

By contrast, in Frankish Gaul, and perhaps too in Visigothic Spain,<br />

though evidence is lacking there, the founders <strong>of</strong> post-Roman kingdoms<br />

managed to combine the strengths <strong>of</strong> the war-band with the military<br />

potential <strong>of</strong> the surviving Roman population: in these areas constant insecurity<br />

had stimulated local military initiatives in ways that had not been necessary<br />

in Italy or Africa. The resulting Roman–tribal blend may have<br />

contributed to the greater stability <strong>of</strong> the Frankish and Visigothic states,<br />

which were better able to survive military defeat, incompetent leadership<br />

or a dynastic minority. In Gaul both Frankish chiefs, who will have included<br />

a number <strong>of</strong> non-Franks assimilated into the war-band, and Gallo-Roman<br />

magnates gave oaths <strong>of</strong> allegiance to their king and organized their localities<br />

to provide troops on demand, so that the Merovingian kingdom was<br />

protected by a combination <strong>of</strong> strong local loyalties and duties to the<br />

central power. Clovis and his Merovingian successors managed to exploit<br />

the resources and public institutions <strong>of</strong> their part <strong>of</strong> the Roman world<br />

more effectively than any other tribal leader. 43 Their armies were, however,<br />

very different animals from their Roman predecessors: there was no standing<br />

army, the component units were territorially based, and allocation <strong>of</strong><br />

land rather than disbursement <strong>of</strong> pay was the mechanism for attracting<br />

service. These changes entailed, or reflected, complementary changes in<br />

the nature <strong>of</strong> the state.<br />

In the west the empire’s military institutions failed to survive the tribal<br />

challenge. Distinctions between limitanei and comitatenses became irrelevant<br />

when frontier conditions prevailed throughout all provinces; the authority<br />

<strong>of</strong> the centre evaporated together with its ability to provide pay and organize<br />

supplies, while military force was provided either by the tribal warbands<br />

whose federate status became increasingly nominal or by local<br />

leaders with the capacity to marshal the military potential <strong>of</strong> their particular<br />

region. If Merovingian Gaul represents the successful realignment <strong>of</strong><br />

Roman military structures around a new provincial leader, the fate <strong>of</strong><br />

Noricum Ripense in the 460s and 470s as revealed in the Life <strong>of</strong> St<br />

Severinus illustrates the processes <strong>of</strong> Roman decline. Here the frontier<br />

population struggled to exist in the face <strong>of</strong> constant tribal raiding. Town<br />

walls only provided temporary protection since there were few troops to<br />

41 Wickham (1981) 25.<br />

42 Procop. Wars vii.22; Brown, Gentlemen and Officers 78 for other examples <strong>of</strong> this development.<br />

43 James (1982) ch. 5.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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