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justin i and justinian 821<br />

was forced into exile. Chalcedonian bishops were put in the place <strong>of</strong> the<br />

deposed except in Cilicia I, Phoenicia Maritima and Arabia, 27 and anti-<br />

Chalcedonian monks were badly treated. Persecution followed. But even<br />

within its own ranks the anti-Chalcedonian movement was experiencing<br />

the problems which were to dog its history for the rest <strong>of</strong> the sixth century,<br />

and to impede imperial attempts to enforce Chalcedonian orthodoxy on<br />

opponents <strong>of</strong> the council <strong>of</strong> 451. These problems arose from theological<br />

disputes among Monophysites, such as we see in Egypt between Severus<br />

and Julian <strong>of</strong> Halicarnassus, who disagreed on the manner in which human<br />

passions or emotions were attributed to Christ. For Julian the emphasis on<br />

the unity <strong>of</strong> Christ was <strong>of</strong> primary importance, and the difference between<br />

the two natures was secondary. Thus he asserted that to describe the body<br />

<strong>of</strong> Christ as ‘corruptible’ ( phthartos), i.e. subject to human suffering, was to<br />

call into question the unity <strong>of</strong> the body with the divinity. 28 Julian’s doctrine,<br />

which was not always understood properly by his adversaries, attracted<br />

opposition not only from anti-Chalcedonians like Severus, who himself<br />

wrote several works against it, but also from Chalcedonians. However,<br />

Julian’s ‘aphthartodocetism’, as it was dubbed by its enemies, continued to<br />

exercise considerable influence, especially in the Alexandrian and<br />

Armenian churches.<br />

Justin’s nephew, the count Justinian, had been assuming increasing<br />

importance in ecclesiastical politics, taking up the cause <strong>of</strong> the Scythian<br />

monks, and advising pope Hormisdas that the Scythian theopaschite<br />

formula could be interpreted as anti-Nestorian and orthodox, and so unite<br />

Chalcedonians and anti-Chalcedonians. The count also attempted to have<br />

Hormisdas review his demands concerning the removal <strong>of</strong> bishops’ names<br />

from the diptychs. Hormisdas, however, conceived <strong>of</strong> using, not being<br />

used by, imperial power to enforce orthodoxy as he saw it.<br />

From April to August 527, when Justinian acted as co-regent with his<br />

uncle, he passed legislation against heretics, Manichees and Samaritans. 29<br />

This was a foretaste <strong>of</strong> the policies he was to pursue after becoming sole<br />

regent on the death <strong>of</strong> Justin. Not only was he determined to end the split<br />

between Chalcedonians and anti-Chalcedonians, but in edicts early in his<br />

reign he enacted penalties against Nestorians, Eutychians, Apollinarians,<br />

Montanists and others. 30 Pagans (‘Hellenes’) were the subject <strong>of</strong> a particularly<br />

energetic and programmatic attack. In a law passed in the year 529 31<br />

pagans are ordered to be baptized with their entire households, or run the<br />

risk <strong>of</strong> being excluded from the state and stripped <strong>of</strong> all goods and possessions.<br />

Pagan teachers are singled out and forbidden to teach, under threat<br />

<strong>of</strong> dire penalty. The promulgation <strong>of</strong> this stringent legislation, which<br />

27 Honigmann (1951) 25ff.<br />

28 Draguet (1924); Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition ii.2 79–110. 29 CJ i.1.5.<br />

30 CJ i.5.18. 31 CJ i.11.10.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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