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law in the western kingdoms 261<br />

considerations. One assumption which needs to be questioned is that the<br />

Roman empire desired or, if it did desire, was able to impose its law in a<br />

complete and thoroughgoing fashion upon all its provinces. In the west<br />

we do not have the evidence provided by Egyptian papyri to demonstrate<br />

that provincial law might take a form very different from that prescribed<br />

by Roman jurists and emperors. 4 The last fifty years have seen notable<br />

studies showing that late Roman law was not identical with that taught by<br />

the great jurists, but this has been done by developing the notion <strong>of</strong> a<br />

vulgar as opposed to a classical Roman law. Moreover, the vulgarisms<br />

have not been revealed by an examination <strong>of</strong> legal practice in remote<br />

regions <strong>of</strong> the empire but by a close reading <strong>of</strong> the Theodosian Code.<br />

Emperors, rather than mere provincials, were the prime vulgarizers. 5 It is,<br />

no doubt, very uncertain how much weight one can put on evidence from<br />

a much later period, but one body <strong>of</strong> evidence does at least raise serious<br />

questions about what went on among those remote western provincials.<br />

Welsh (earlier called British) law is mainly known from texts <strong>of</strong> the twelfth<br />

and thirteenth centuries; 6 yet it was the law <strong>of</strong> a people whose ancestors<br />

had formed part <strong>of</strong> the population <strong>of</strong> a Roman province, and a people,<br />

moreover, which had escaped being subsumed into a kingdom founded<br />

by barbarians from beyond the Roman frontier. Admittedly Gildas<br />

remarks that they superficially accepted Roman law, harbouring inner<br />

resentment, but he implies that they accepted it none the less. 7 One might<br />

suppose that the law inherited by the Britons should have been a debased<br />

descendant <strong>of</strong> Roman law; moreover, there are reasons for thinking that<br />

elements <strong>of</strong> Roman law did indeed survive the end <strong>of</strong> Roman power in<br />

Britain; 8 yet by the twelfth century its resemblances to Irish law were far<br />

more obvious than was any debt to Rome; they underline what Gildas<br />

described as the superficial nature <strong>of</strong> their adherence to Roman law. 9 If<br />

we allow that legal traditions may endure for centuries – so that they are<br />

not simply remade with each generation – Welsh medieval law can be used<br />

to give weight to the suggestion that, at least in one part <strong>of</strong> one western<br />

province, what survived Rome was remarkably un-Roman. Already in the<br />

sixth century Venantius Fortunatus could contrast the iura Britannica<br />

imported to Armorica from Britain with publica iura. 10 A study <strong>of</strong> law in<br />

the western kingdoms must, therefore, extend all the way from<br />

Theoderic’s Ravenna to the western parts <strong>of</strong> Britain and over the Irish<br />

4 On Egypt, Jolowicz and Nicholas (1972) 405–6.<br />

5 Levy (1951) 29–34 on Constantine and the distinction between dominium and possessio; but see above,<br />

pp. 258,9, for a critique <strong>of</strong> Levy’s views.<br />

6 Jenkins (1986) provides an excellent translation and commentary on some Welsh legal texts;<br />

Charles-Edwards (1989) gives a brief survey <strong>of</strong> the texts. 7 Gildas, De Excidio Britanniae c. 5.<br />

8 Davies (1982). 9 For some examples, see Binchy (1956).<br />

10 Venantius Fortunatus, Opera Poetica ed. Leo, MGH AA iv.1 (Berlin, 1881), iii.5, praising Felix,<br />

bishop <strong>of</strong> Nantes.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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