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the community <strong>of</strong> the realm 451<br />

with the Lex Salica <strong>of</strong> the Franks providing an interesting variant. Its earliest<br />

preface mentions no king and credits its production to four wise lawgivers,<br />

although later versions and modificatory edicts revert to a more<br />

traditional style, and emphasize again the co-operation <strong>of</strong> king and great<br />

men. 45<br />

In some cases, rhetoric was matched by public ceremonial. Different<br />

seventh-century revisions <strong>of</strong> the Visigothic legal code (the Forum Iudicum)<br />

were presented by the reigning king to various <strong>of</strong> the periodic public<br />

assemblies <strong>of</strong> the great religious and secular magnates <strong>of</strong> the Spanish<br />

kingdom which gathered at Toledo. 46 The Liber Constitutionum <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Burgundians, similarly, has a Preface sealed by more than thirty comites –<br />

leading lay magnates – <strong>of</strong> the kingdom. We must surely imagine a formal<br />

signing, or rather sealing, ceremony conducted at the Burgundian court<br />

when the text was first promulgated. In the Frankish kingdom, likewise, the<br />

three surviving edicts <strong>of</strong> Childebert (dated 1 March 594, 595 and 596) were<br />

all presented at assemblies, and those <strong>of</strong> Guntramn (585) and Chlothar<br />

(614) published in the aftermath <strong>of</strong> church councils. 47<br />

Written law was thus an expression <strong>of</strong> divinely ordained order and consensus,<br />

and its rhetoric and ceremonial presentation stressed its role in generating<br />

a sense <strong>of</strong> community within the different kingdoms. The degree to<br />

which practical legal structures (courts, judges, etc.) provided a further<br />

social cement, making successor states actual legal communities in the<br />

everyday practice <strong>of</strong> dispute settlement, is harder to estimate. In some<br />

cases, a unified structure <strong>of</strong> real importance was created. The Visigothic<br />

Code was regularly updated to incorporate new royal rulings. The text itself<br />

was required to be used; cases it failed to cover were to be referred to the<br />

king; and there existed a network <strong>of</strong> royally certified courts and royally<br />

appointed judges. The Islamic conquest <strong>of</strong> the kingdom means that no preeighth-century<br />

charters survive to confirm that the text’s demands were<br />

being fulfilled, but its prescriptions were followed very closely in the<br />

Carolingian period – the first moment we can check. 48 In Italy, likewise, a<br />

similar royally authorized network <strong>of</strong> courts operated in the Ostrogothic<br />

kingdom <strong>of</strong> the sixth century, and the Lombard kingdom developed comparable<br />

structures in the later seventh and eighth century. 49<br />

North <strong>of</strong> the Alps and Pyrenees, the pattern is not so clear. Frankish and<br />

Anglo-Saxon kings issued law codes and modificatory edicts, but it is<br />

unclear whether these were part <strong>of</strong> a coherent, centrally directed legal structure.<br />

References in both Frankish law codes – Lex Salica and Lex Ribuaria –<br />

imply that these texts were originally viewed as partial collections, behind<br />

45 On all these texts, see further ch. 10 (Charles-Edwards), pp. 260,87 above.<br />

46 Cf. Collins (1983a) 24ff. 47 Cf. Wood, Merovingian Kingdoms,ch.7.<br />

48 Structure: Wormald (1977); King (1972); Collins (1983a) 24ff. Law in practice: Collins (1985) and<br />

(1986). 49 Ostrogothic Italy: Moorhead (1992) 75ff. Lombards: Wickham (1986).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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