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egypt 619<br />

be more striking. In Pousi’s, three spoons merit mention; in Theodore’s, the<br />

properties are apparently so extensive that no effort is made to describe<br />

them in detail. It is no wonder, then, that Pousi has been judged ‘a poor<br />

man’, ‘a humble civil servant’, Theodore ‘a man <strong>of</strong> rank and substance’. 22<br />

There is no way, however, to determine whether either estate is in any way<br />

typical <strong>of</strong> what a praesidial courier or a ducal stenographer might be<br />

expected to have inherited or acquired and bequeathed; but there is a sense<br />

that Theodore’s substance outstripped his <strong>of</strong>fice and that the reverse was<br />

true for Pousi. Nevertheless, both wills, but especially Theodore’s, raise for<br />

any description <strong>of</strong> late antique Egypt issues <strong>of</strong> broad concern, to which<br />

attention may now be drawn.<br />

First, both wills give evidence <strong>of</strong> thorough Christianization in sentiment<br />

and in fact. Although Christianity by tradition made an early appearance in<br />

Egypt, its progress in the countryside is virtually imperceptible in its first<br />

three centuries. The most striking documents, so-called libelli <strong>of</strong> the Decian<br />

persecution, a.d. 250, are in effect negative evidence (though implying a<br />

corresponding positive). These certificates <strong>of</strong> pagan sacrifice attest that the<br />

individuals concerned sacrificed, poured libations and tasted the sacrificial<br />

meats – that, accordingly, they were not Christian. 23 It is only in the fourth<br />

century that Christianization, following the great persecution <strong>of</strong> 303–4,<br />

experienced a ‘take-<strong>of</strong>f’ <strong>of</strong> such magnitude as to leave a noticeable imprint<br />

in the documentary papyri. As the fourth century progresses, the papyri<br />

present increasingly numerous references to churches and clergy, while<br />

implying for the latter a hierarchical structure <strong>of</strong> bishops, priests and<br />

deacons. 24 There were later pagan survivals. A festival <strong>of</strong> the Nile, though<br />

perhaps conducted without blood sacrifice, is evidenced as late as 424. 25<br />

Pagans continued to teach philosophy at Alexandria through the fifth and<br />

into the sixth century. These included, before his conversion, Flavius<br />

Horapollon, native to the village <strong>of</strong> Phenebythis <strong>of</strong> Egypt’s Panopolite<br />

nome, whose metropolis was a hotbed <strong>of</strong> late antique paganism. 26 The<br />

temples on the island <strong>of</strong> Philai, including the famous Isis temple, remained<br />

open and active till their destruction by Justinian’s general Narses in the mid<br />

sixth century. Nevertheless, Christianity had become virtually universal in<br />

Egypt in the fifth century, thoroughly universal in the sixth, penetrating, as<br />

a variety <strong>of</strong> evidence attests, as far south as the First Cataract frontier. 27<br />

Elsewhere, but only by way <strong>of</strong> example, twelve priests and five deacons,<br />

implying the existence <strong>of</strong> from twelve to seventeen churches in the supposedly<br />

declining village <strong>of</strong> Karanis in the Fayum, are evidenced in a<br />

22 Jones, LRE 595–6, 895, 599 (in that order). 23 P.Oxy. lviii 3929, with intro.<br />

24 Bagnall, Egypt ch. 8, for this and for much that follows. 25 P.Oxy. xliii 3148.<br />

26 P.Cair.Masp. iii 67295, PLRE ii.569–70 (Fl. Horapollon 2). Cf. Rémondon (1952).<br />

27 MacCoull (1990).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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