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106 4. the successors <strong>of</strong> justinian<br />

counter the Chagan’s assertion there <strong>of</strong> imperial pretensions. Thereafter<br />

Roman operations were greatly assisted by the termination <strong>of</strong> the Persian<br />

war and the transfer <strong>of</strong> resources and eastern troops to the Balkans. 44<br />

Between 593 and 595 Priscus and Peter gradually reasserted Roman control<br />

<strong>of</strong> the eastern Balkans, driving scattered Slav groups back to the Danube,<br />

campaigning across the river to deter further incursions, and reopening<br />

contacts with those Roman outposts that had survived the invasions <strong>of</strong> the<br />

580s. This sequence <strong>of</strong> imperial collapse followed by recovery provides a<br />

context for the story <strong>of</strong> Maurice’s achievement in winning over a brigand<br />

chief: 45 ‘brigands’ was a convenient term to apply to local self-help groups<br />

that appeared as central authority collapsed, but in many cases their priority<br />

was efficient protection for their own territory and so they were prepared<br />

to show deference to an emperor who appeared to be capable <strong>of</strong><br />

providing this.<br />

The Avar Chagan, though concerned about these actions, was unable to<br />

intervene: Singidunum was protected by a Roman fleet, and the Avars were<br />

forced to turn their attentions west to Illyria and the Frankish kingdoms.<br />

In autumn 597 the Avars again raided eastwards and reached Tomi on the<br />

Black Sea; in 598 a Roman attempt, perhaps too ambitious, to trap the<br />

Avars there failed, and the Avars were able to burst across the mountains<br />

to ravage the Thracian plain, but disease and diplomacy persuaded them to<br />

withdraw. A new treaty established the Danube as the frontier, but the<br />

Romans were specifically allowed to cross the river to attack Slavs, a recognition<br />

<strong>of</strong> the considerable Roman recovery that had been achieved. This<br />

time it was the Romans who were on the <strong>of</strong>fensive and had no intention <strong>of</strong><br />

preserving the treaty; in 599 there was a successful campaign into Pannonia<br />

itself, in 601 Roman control <strong>of</strong> the Danube Cataracts was safeguarded, and<br />

in 602 there were further successes against the Slavs. Constant campaigning,<br />

much <strong>of</strong> which is probably reported inadequately by Theophylact, had<br />

reasserted Roman authority in the Balkans: the Danube was now a real<br />

frontier, Slavs beyond the frontier were becoming cowed, while Slavs south<br />

<strong>of</strong> the river might be turned into Roman subjects.<br />

This achievement, however, was the product <strong>of</strong> hard toil, and fighting<br />

perhaps became less lucrative for the Romans. Concern about Maurice’s<br />

desire for financial economies, which had already prompted sedition in<br />

winter 593/94, culminated again in late 602 when Maurice ordered the<br />

troops to spend the winter north <strong>of</strong> the Danube. 46 There were good military<br />

reasons for this, expounded in the contemporary Strategikon, but the soldiers<br />

mutinied, chose Phocas as leader and marched on Constantinople. In the<br />

capital Maurice’s unpopularity had been demonstrated in rioting over a food<br />

shortage in February; there were insufficient troops to defend the city, and<br />

44 Ibid. 153–65. 45 Farka (1993/4). 46 Whitby, Maurice 165–9.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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