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from roman to post-roman 729<br />

basis that civilized life had collapsed by the seventh century, so that there<br />

could be no significant archaeological evidence thereafter. In addition, at<br />

Isthmia, one <strong>of</strong> the best-published sites in southern Greece, which has produced<br />

the first quantity <strong>of</strong> Slavic pottery outside a cemetery context, it has<br />

proved impossible to establish the identity <strong>of</strong> the inhabitants: they may<br />

have been Greeks who chose to use ‘Slavic’ pottery, or settled Slavs who<br />

maintained close contacts with the Byzantine authorities at nearby<br />

Corinth. 88<br />

Travel and communications were now endangered throughout the<br />

Balkans, which will have enhanced the separatist tendencies already evident<br />

in the north in the fifth century. Pope Gregory wrote to the bishop <strong>of</strong><br />

Corinth in 591 with a specific request that he assist with a papal messenger’s<br />

journey to Constantinople (Register 1.26). Avar envoys returning from<br />

Constantinople were ambushed by Scamareis, who stole horses, silver and<br />

other equipment; the identity <strong>of</strong> these Scamareis is unknown, though the<br />

fact that Tiberius could track down the culprits and recover some <strong>of</strong> the<br />

goods suggests they were an identifiable community, perhaps analogous<br />

to the western bagaudae. An Avar ambassador was murdered by Slavs<br />

within the empire, and in Justinian’s reign the Slavs are reported to have isolated<br />

the Roman city <strong>of</strong> Adina in Scythia Minor. 89 Outside cities there was<br />

considerable insecurity. At Appiaria a local leader was captured and held to<br />

ransom after a hunting expedition took him away from the walls, a repetition<br />

<strong>of</strong> the fate <strong>of</strong> Asemus’ shepherds in the 440s. Asemus itself survived<br />

beyond the end <strong>of</strong> the sixth century and provides the best example <strong>of</strong> local<br />

separatism: in 594, with their bishop as leader, the inhabitants barricaded<br />

their city against an imperial army and mocked the general Peter, the<br />

emperor Maurice’s brother, because he had attempted to enlist their garrison<br />

– local safety came first, and Asemus had learnt to fend for itself during<br />

a decade without imperial contact. At nearby Novae, Peter was received<br />

more favourably, though the insistence with which he was pressed to<br />

remain to celebrate the festival <strong>of</strong> the local martyr Lupus may also reveal<br />

consequences <strong>of</strong> isolation: his presence could allow the citizens to commemorate<br />

their saint without fear <strong>of</strong> surprise attack. The importance <strong>of</strong><br />

bishops in maintaining morale is demonstrated at Justiniana Prima, where<br />

Maurice intervened in an attempt to have a demented bishop replaced<br />

quickly, lest the city fall to the enemy through lack <strong>of</strong> ecclesiastical guidance.<br />

The first book <strong>of</strong> the Miracles <strong>of</strong> St Demetrius was composed by<br />

bishop John <strong>of</strong> Thessalonica in the early seventh century, when his city was<br />

coming under such severe pressure that it was dangerous to venture beyond<br />

the walls and the inhabitants desperately needed reassurance that their man<br />

at the heavenly court would continue to protect them. 90<br />

88 Gregory (1993) 156–9. 89 Men. frr. 15.6; 25.2.32–6; Procop. Buildings iv.7.13; Farkas (1993–4).<br />

90 Theophylact vii.3.1–10, 2.17–18;Greg.Reg. xi.29; Whitby, Maurice 115–17.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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