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76 3. justin i and justinian<br />

Capua in the summer <strong>of</strong> 554. 77 Justinian’s so-called Pragmatic Sanction <strong>of</strong><br />

13 August 554, regulating matters in Italy, was addressed to Narses; the<br />

latter was still in Italy when pope Vigilius died while en route from<br />

Constantinople (555), and present at the consecration <strong>of</strong> his successor<br />

Pelagius (April 556).<br />

Though technically it resulted in victory for Justinian and certainly<br />

achieved its aim <strong>of</strong> defeating the Goths, the long war in Italy destroyed the<br />

very structures it had sought to rescue. 78 Procopius movingly describes the<br />

sufferings <strong>of</strong> the Roman aristocrats during the Gothic war; among them<br />

was Rusticiana, the widow <strong>of</strong> Boethius, who with other Roman ladies was<br />

reduced to begging for food during the siege <strong>of</strong> the city in 546, and was<br />

rescued only by the intervention <strong>of</strong> Totila. 79 A number <strong>of</strong> the Italian aristocrats<br />

went to the east in the 540s, where they put pressure on the court<br />

as to the conduct <strong>of</strong> the final stages <strong>of</strong> the war, and contributed to a circle<br />

<strong>of</strong> Latin letters in Constantinople. For the Byzantines, the Gothic war had<br />

also been difficult: the attitude <strong>of</strong> the Romans in Italy was by no means<br />

straightforwardly pro-Byzantine, and the Byzantine armies were <strong>of</strong>ten outnumbered<br />

by those fielded by the Goths, while personal rivalries complicated<br />

relations between the commanders in Italy and the government in<br />

Constantinople. 80<br />

During the 540s Justinian had to juggle the needs <strong>of</strong> the Italian front<br />

against those caused by renewed hostilities in the east, while simultaneously<br />

attempting a religious policy that produced as many anatagonisms as it<br />

hoped to cure. Nor had the situation in Africa after the early victories been<br />

straightforward: the conquest required a heavy investment <strong>of</strong> men and<br />

resources, and the adverse effects first <strong>of</strong> mutiny in the Byzantine army and<br />

then <strong>of</strong> Berber hostilities were only made good with difficulty by John<br />

Troglita in 546–9, as Procopius admits. By the end <strong>of</strong> the sixth century<br />

Africa seems to have recovered some <strong>of</strong> its old prosperity, but Corippus’<br />

panegyric on the accession <strong>of</strong> Justin II in 565 laments the bad state <strong>of</strong><br />

affairs there, which John’s campaigns had not in themselves been enough<br />

to reverse. 81<br />

Justinian’s difficulties were increased by a severe outbreak <strong>of</strong> bubonic<br />

plague, beginning in Egypt late in 541 and spreading in the following year<br />

to the capital and the eastern provinces, from where it also passed to the<br />

west. Repeated outbreaks were still being felt in places as far apart as Syria<br />

and Britain in the seventh century, and the church historian Evagrius, a<br />

77 These events are told by Agathias, <strong>Hi</strong>stories, Procopius’ narrative having ended with winter 553–4;<br />

see PLRE iii, s.v. Narses 1, 920–2, with Cameron, Averil (1970).<br />

78 See ch. 19 (Humphries), pp. 544,8 below. 79 Wars vii.20.27f., with Cameron, Procopius 192.<br />

80 For these issues see Thompson (1982) chs. 5 and 6; Moorhead (1983).<br />

81 Wars viii.17.22, cf. the exaggeratedly hostile picture at SH 18.4f. John Troglita’s campaigns are<br />

described in the Iohannis, eight books <strong>of</strong> Latin hexameters by Corippus (ed. Goodyear and Diggle,<br />

1970); see also Cor. In laudem Iustini, Pan. Anast. 37. See further ch. 20,p.552 below.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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