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ishops and patriarchs 733<br />

Constantinople lacked the territorial superiority affirmed in the canons <strong>of</strong><br />

Nicaea in 325 for Rome, Alexandria and Antioch, as well as the apostolic<br />

name claimed by them. Among its bishops, John Chrysostom had been<br />

deposed because he interfered to suppress simony in churches in Asia,<br />

where his writ did not run, and heard appeals against the condemnation by<br />

Theophilus <strong>of</strong> Alexandria <strong>of</strong> Origenist monks. Nestorius similarly<br />

incurred the hostility <strong>of</strong> senior colleagues by seeming to hear appeals<br />

against the judgements <strong>of</strong> Alexandria and Rome, 8 and by intervening in<br />

parts <strong>of</strong> Asia Minor and also in Macedonia, where the bishop <strong>of</strong><br />

Thessalonica’s special relation to Rome made it particularly sensitive. 9<br />

Constantinople’s standing was clarified at the Council <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon, as<br />

already stated. Along with territorial jurisdiction went a primacy <strong>of</strong> honour<br />

as second to ‘great and elder Rome’, asserted in 381 at the Council <strong>of</strong><br />

Constantinople and strengthened in 451 at Chalcedon. It was then claimed<br />

that the Fathers in 381 ‘gave equal privileges to the most holy throne <strong>of</strong><br />

New Rome, judging with reason that the city which was honoured with the<br />

sovereignty and senate, and which enjoyed equal privileges with the elder<br />

royal Rome, should also be magnified like her in ecclesiastical matters,<br />

being the second after her’. 10 Leo rejected this formula, which expresses<br />

the civic grounds <strong>of</strong> ecclesiastical primacy at the expense <strong>of</strong> its theological<br />

ground. He based his rejection on the canon <strong>of</strong> Nicaea which gave such<br />

honour only to the apostolic sees; Nicaea could not be challenged merely<br />

on civil grounds. 11 Emperors and bishops in Constantinople would alike<br />

ignore Leo’s repudiation.<br />

The affirmation <strong>of</strong> Constantinople in 451 was not unopposed in the<br />

east. Alexandrian bishops had complicated local constituencies to<br />

manage, with ecclesiastical rivalries, competing doctrines, communal tensions,<br />

non-Christian religion and culture, and large and quarrelsome<br />

monastic communities throughout their diocesan territory. With this they<br />

must reconcile the need to assure themselves that they would not be isolated<br />

in the empire. Cyril’s quarrel with Nestorius was essentially over<br />

jurisdiction: Nestorius gave ear to the appeals <strong>of</strong> persons condemned by<br />

Cyril in disciplinary hearings, thus implying appellate power. 12 Cyril’s successor<br />

Dioscorus tried to reaffirm Alexandria’s hegemony, succumbing to<br />

Constantinople and Rome in 451. In Egypt itself after Chalcedon only<br />

imperial force could impose Proterius as bishop until his assassination in<br />

457. Timothy Aelurus (457–77) thereafter enjoyed wide local support,<br />

while his Chalcedonian rival Timothy Salophakialos (460–82) had only a<br />

few families hostile to the Dioscuran party and one powerful monastery<br />

8 The non-doctrinal aspects <strong>of</strong> this dispute are emphasized in McGuckin (1994) ch. 1.<br />

9 Leo, Ep. 98.4; 105.2; 106.5. 10 Canon 28; cf. Leo, Ep. 98.4. 11 Leo, Ep. 98.4; 105.2.<br />

12 The story is <strong>of</strong>ten told: recently by McGuckin (1994) ch. 1; also the introduction to Wickham<br />

(1983) and Wickham’s article in TRE 24. For developing conciliar theory, see Sieben (1986) 231–69.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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