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866 29. education in the roman empire<br />

then went to Berytus to study law, and on completion <strong>of</strong> his studies<br />

returned to his native city and established himself as rhetor and scholasticus<br />

(teacher <strong>of</strong> rhetoric and law).<br />

From the Life <strong>of</strong> Severus, written by Zacharius Scholasticus, we learn something<br />

<strong>of</strong> the lively student life in Alexandria and Berytus. 32 There was still<br />

tension between Christian and pagan students, and many conversions to<br />

Christianity. 33 In Berytus a kind <strong>of</strong> witch-hunt was organized by Christian<br />

students, directed against possessors <strong>of</strong> books on magic – the possession <strong>of</strong><br />

which by this time was illegal – and denunciations and house searches were<br />

frequent. 34 There were booksellers’ stalls in the Royal Stoa in Alexandria<br />

which were frequented by students, and books seem to have been readily<br />

available. When Zacharias Scholasticus moved from Alexandria to Berytus<br />

he took with him many books by the fourth-century Fathers. 35 In the law<br />

school at Berytus, and possibly also in Athens and Alexandria, teaching went<br />

on every day except on Saturday afternoon and Sunday. 36 Some Christian<br />

students met in reading circles at weekends to read and discuss patristic texts,<br />

including St Basil’s Address to Young Men on the Value <strong>of</strong> Greek Literature. 37<br />

Little useful can be said about philosophical teaching in the Latin west<br />

after 425. Augustine, Boethius and Cassiodorus were not primarily teachers.<br />

The gradual disappearance <strong>of</strong> knowledge <strong>of</strong> Greek in the west from<br />

the early fourth century, in spite <strong>of</strong> a brief and probably somewhat<br />

superficial revival in the reign <strong>of</strong> Theoderic, meant that contact was inexorably<br />

lost with the development <strong>of</strong> Neoplatonist thought in Athens and<br />

Alexandria. Such scholars as there were in the west pondered on commentaries<br />

rather than on original texts. We hear <strong>of</strong> teachers <strong>of</strong> philosophy in<br />

various regions <strong>of</strong> the Latin west, even as far afield as Gaul. Sidonius<br />

Apollinaris recalls the philosophers who taught in Arles, but it is not clear<br />

whether he is referring to formal teaching or to discussion in a circle <strong>of</strong><br />

intellectually inclined friends. If there were real teachers, their teaching did<br />

not go beyond an elementary school tradition. Justinian’s arrangements<br />

after the reconquest <strong>of</strong> Africa and Italy made provision for publicly funded<br />

teachers <strong>of</strong> grammar and rhetoric, but not <strong>of</strong> philosophy. The broad<br />

stream <strong>of</strong> classical philosophy had been reduced to a meagre trickle. As for<br />

the Ostrogothic king Theodahad, who claimed to be a Platonic philosopher,<br />

the less said the better.<br />

The early Christian church had <strong>of</strong>ten shown some hostility to traditional<br />

classical culture as preserved and transmitted by grammarians, rhetoricians<br />

and philosophers. Not only was it founded on the study <strong>of</strong> overtly pagan<br />

texts, but it was closely associated with the predominantly pagan establishment.<br />

But the spread <strong>of</strong> Christianity in the fourth century among the urban<br />

32 Kugener (1907) 46, 91–2. 33 Kugener (1907) 43. 34 Kugener (1907) 64–70.<br />

35 Kugener (1907) 48. 36 Kugener (1907) 52. 37 Kugener (1907) 53–4.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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