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‘the age <strong>of</strong> justinian’ 903<br />

imperial rather than aristocratic statement. 40 A feature <strong>of</strong> the architectural<br />

ornament <strong>of</strong> these churches was its distinctly non-classical appearance<br />

both in style and in the choice <strong>of</strong> motives; some <strong>of</strong> the inspiration for palmettes<br />

and other such ornaments has been traced to eastern, particularly<br />

Persian, models.<br />

The widespread popularity <strong>of</strong> the centrally-planned church was a feature<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Byzantine world rather than the west, and, by the later periods, it had<br />

become the standard plan for the majority <strong>of</strong> buildings. The solution followed<br />

for the decoration <strong>of</strong> this type <strong>of</strong> architecture has in the case <strong>of</strong> St<br />

Sophia generally mystified modern commentators. While Justinian and his<br />

planners might have been expected in this commissioned masterpiece to<br />

have set out to match the luxuriance <strong>of</strong> the architecture and its sculptural<br />

ornamentation with spectacular figurative mosaics, the actual mosaic programme<br />

has been in these terms a surprise. The circumstantial evidence <strong>of</strong><br />

archaeology (and probably the texts) is that the Justinianic phase was<br />

entirely devoid <strong>of</strong> monumental figurative mosaics. 41 The surprise is that the<br />

emperor who was connected with complex iconography on the façade <strong>of</strong><br />

the Bronze Gate <strong>of</strong> the Great Palace or in Ravenna or Sinai was satisfied<br />

in St Sophia with a mosaic vault decoration which was limited to the sign<br />

<strong>of</strong> the cross, endlessly repeated, or to more neutral patterns and designs.<br />

The church which from the moment <strong>of</strong> its construction symbolized<br />

Byzantium was originally devoid <strong>of</strong> figurative mosaics – all the present<br />

panels represent piecemeal additions from the periods after iconoclasm.<br />

Whether apse, dome, vaults or narthex, it is safe to conclude that the main<br />

decoration was the cross. While this scheme is strangely evocative <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Islamic mosque’s equal rejection in later centuries <strong>of</strong> portraits and narrative,<br />

yet the decision is a powerful one visually. Just as the building is permeated<br />

with light – and this is the point that Procopius was the first to<br />

emphasize – so the decoration <strong>of</strong> crosses fills the building with the aura <strong>of</strong><br />

Christianity, the endlessly repeated sign <strong>of</strong> the life-giving cross. In this<br />

respect, the vast spaces and architectural complexities <strong>of</strong> the church are<br />

unified by the one repeated motive. Although conceptual and other explanations<br />

are <strong>of</strong>fered in the literature for the lack <strong>of</strong> figures on the walls – it<br />

has been described as ‘an architect’s church’ or it is suggested that time was<br />

too short too allow for a full decoration or it is postulated that it represented<br />

an incipient iconoclasm on the part <strong>of</strong> the emperor or his<br />

Monophysite wife, and so on – yet perhaps all this speculation is uncalled<br />

for. For the viewer in the church, these mosaics <strong>of</strong>fered a highly successful<br />

visual, mesmeric effect. This is a case where we can hardly know the intentions<br />

<strong>of</strong> the period, but where we can at least be sensitive to the visual<br />

effects <strong>of</strong> the decision. We can also see by hindsight that St Sophia excelled<br />

40 Harrison (1989). 41 Mango (1962); and Cameron, Corippus.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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