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from the huns to the avars 717<br />

The grimness <strong>of</strong> the situation should not, however, be exaggerated. The<br />

ability to find troops to recruit is an indication <strong>of</strong> some sort <strong>of</strong> successful<br />

habitation, even if some recruits were tribesmen newly introduced for that<br />

purpose. Viewed from the outside, the Balkans were still a land <strong>of</strong> milk and<br />

honey, as is revealed in the Utigurs’ complaints about Justinian’s reception<br />

<strong>of</strong> their Kotrigur enemies. Justinianic legislation suggests that land in the<br />

Balkans was a desirable commodity, an asset that unscrupulous lenders<br />

might attempt to obtain from their debtors in Haemimontus and Illyricum;<br />

legislation against this applied to both soldiers and civilians, and a law about<br />

redeeming captives from barbarians reveals that there was an active market<br />

for land. 55 Decades <strong>of</strong> impoverishment had undermined administration,<br />

especially in Thrace, but attempts to remedy this were initiated by<br />

Anastasius and taken further by Justinian: Thrace was joined with more<br />

prosperous regions – Cyprus, Caria and the Aegean islands – in a unit<br />

known as the quaestura exercitus, and was provided with a new rank <strong>of</strong> governor,<br />

a Justinianic praetor, with enhanced powers and a specific duty to<br />

attend to local defences. 56 In Illyricum, where the greater security and prosperity<br />

<strong>of</strong> the southern areas would have helped the prefect in Thessalonica<br />

to control the more threatened northern parts <strong>of</strong> his prefecture, Justinian<br />

attempted at a moment <strong>of</strong> confidence to move some aspects <strong>of</strong> administration<br />

further north: a separate metropolitan see was created at his new<br />

city <strong>of</strong> Justiniana Prima, supposedly for the convenience <strong>of</strong> the inhabitants.<br />

Bishops provided secular as well as spiritual leadership, as can be seen from<br />

the complaints <strong>of</strong> the citizens <strong>of</strong> Thessalonica about the absence <strong>of</strong> their<br />

archbishop during a crisis in 535. 57<br />

Diplomacy and fortifications were emperors’ twin strategies for defending<br />

the Balkans. Lombards were incited to act against Gepids, Antes against<br />

Slavs, Utigurs against Kotrigurs. Tribal groups or smaller war-bands could<br />

be solicited into imperial service, to be rewarded with lands and military<br />

titles that brought salaries or provisions. Critics <strong>of</strong> Justinian complained<br />

that such policies merely encouraged tribes to cause more trouble in the<br />

expectation <strong>of</strong> greater rewards from the supine empire, but Menander<br />

<strong>of</strong>fered a positive assessment <strong>of</strong> his preference for avoiding war. The frequent<br />

failure <strong>of</strong> large armies during Anastasius’ reign, and again in 529–30,<br />

to crush opponents in the Balkans tends to support Menander’s judgement.<br />

58 Pressure along the frontier was eased sufficiently for Justinian to<br />

reinforce Roman control <strong>of</strong> the Danube as far upstream as Singidunum,<br />

and the operations <strong>of</strong> the Roman fleet and the ability <strong>of</strong> Roman commanders<br />

to watch known crossing-points could restrict, if not ultimately prevent,<br />

fresh invasions.<br />

55 Procop. Wars viii.19; Nov. 32, 33; 65. 56 Nov. 41; 26; Hendy, Studies 397–404.<br />

57 Nov. 11; Life <strong>of</strong> David, cited by Hoddinott (1963) 89ff.<br />

58 Menander fr. 5.1–2; Cameron (1970) 125–7.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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