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introduction 703<br />

It also illustrates a problem in the evidence available for understanding developments.<br />

For the fifth century there is no complete historical narrative,<br />

although the fragments <strong>of</strong> Priscus and Malchus, primarily devoted to diplomacy,<br />

contain important information about relations with Huns and Goths<br />

and some incidental, but revealing, comments about the situation within the<br />

Balkans. For the sixth century, the literary evidence is rather better: although<br />

Procopius did not consider Balkan warfare worthy <strong>of</strong> separate treatment, he<br />

did record significant events and there are signs in Wars viii that he had realized<br />

the importance <strong>of</strong> the Balkans; his narrative was continued by Agathias,<br />

who narrated the Kotrigur invasion <strong>of</strong> 558/9, Menander, whose fragments<br />

record Roman diplomacy with the expanding Avar federation, and<br />

Theophylact, whose account, <strong>of</strong>ten obscure, covers the last major Roman<br />

campaigns on the Danube frontier. Their information can be supplemented<br />

by Procopius, Buildings iv, a panegyrical description <strong>of</strong> works in the Balkans<br />

attributed to Justinian; a few laws that proclaim changes in administration;<br />

and the Strategikon attributed to Maurice, which describes tactics for use<br />

against the two main Balkan enemies in the late sixth century, the Slavs and<br />

the Avars. These sources share a Constantinopolitan perspective, but some<br />

breadth is provided by the Miracula <strong>of</strong> St Demetrius and the Chronicle <strong>of</strong><br />

Monemvasia, which describe actions from the viewpoint respectively <strong>of</strong><br />

Thessalonica and the Peloponnese, and the letters <strong>of</strong> pope Gregory, which<br />

shed some light on ecclesiastical administration in Illyricum.<br />

Archaeology is a vital, but <strong>of</strong>ten frustrating, addition. Decline in urban<br />

fabric can be illustrated by destruction <strong>of</strong> and repairs to buildings; changes<br />

to the organization <strong>of</strong> urban space reflect living conditions; and the discovery<br />

<strong>of</strong> hill-top settlements reveals new patterns <strong>of</strong> habitation; but few sites<br />

have been thoroughly excavated, publication <strong>of</strong> results lags far behind, and<br />

the fragmentary remains <strong>of</strong> late antiquity have not always attracted the<br />

attention <strong>of</strong> investigators. A particular problem lies in the classification <strong>of</strong><br />

material as Roman or non-Roman: poor-quality ‘squatter’ dwellings may<br />

represent a movement either <strong>of</strong> non-Roman tribesmen on to a site or <strong>of</strong><br />

rural refugees whose living standards might not resemble those traditionally<br />

associated with Romanized urban dwellers; they may also have housed<br />

the impoverished remnants <strong>of</strong> the urban population. Similarly, pottery<br />

identified as ‘Slavic’ may not be such an accurate diagnostic tool, and<br />

brooches and buckles could belong just as well to German recruits in<br />

Roman service as to tribal war-bands. Archaeological discoveries will continue<br />

to improve our understanding <strong>of</strong> the development <strong>of</strong> the Balkans in<br />

this period, but it would be unrealistic to expect dramatic or rapid progress:<br />

there is a long-term need to build up a series <strong>of</strong> local pictures from which<br />

eventually a new synthesis can be attempted. 8<br />

8 Baratte (1984); Popovič (1975), (1978); also other contributions to Villes.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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