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anastasius 59<br />

defences in the region revealed by the war resulted in action to repair and<br />

strengthen them and in the construction <strong>of</strong> a new frontier fortress at Dara,<br />

the aim <strong>of</strong> which was to provide a forward base for Roman troops. 153 This<br />

last move provoked strong protests from the Persians, since a fifth-century<br />

settlement had prohibited any new forts close to the frontier, but by the<br />

time Kavadh had dealt with the Hephthalites and was in a position to translate<br />

protest into action, he was confronted by a Roman fait accompli.<br />

Anastasius’ judicious use <strong>of</strong> diplomacy and money apparently dissuaded<br />

him from pursuing the issue further, 154 and relations between the two<br />

empires thereafter remained stable until the reign <strong>of</strong> Anastasius’ successor.<br />

4. Epilogue<br />

Anastasius died on 9 July 518. Given his age and the availability <strong>of</strong> suitable<br />

candidates among his relatives, 155 his failure to nominate a successor represents<br />

an uncharacteristic oversight on the part <strong>of</strong> an emperor who had,<br />

in most areas <strong>of</strong> government, shown himself to be energetic and intelligent,<br />

and had done much to ensure the continuing viability <strong>of</strong> the eastern<br />

empire. That continuing viability, <strong>of</strong> course, stands in marked contrast to<br />

the demise <strong>of</strong> the western empire, and prompts reflection on the question<br />

posed in the introduction to this chapter as to why the fate <strong>of</strong> the east<br />

during the fifth century diverged from that <strong>of</strong> the west. Needless to say, the<br />

following observations make no claim to comprehensive coverage <strong>of</strong> all<br />

the major issues which bear on this subject. In keeping with the focus <strong>of</strong><br />

the chapter, they concentrate primarily on the emperor and his policies in<br />

key areas.<br />

One feature <strong>of</strong> imperial behaviour in the fifth century which distinguishes<br />

it sharply from that in the third and fourth centuries is the way in<br />

which it became rare for the emperor to participate personally in military<br />

campaigning. This development arose in the first instance out <strong>of</strong> the youth<br />

and inexperience <strong>of</strong> Arcadius and Honorius, and then <strong>of</strong> Theodosius II<br />

and Valentinian III (whose collective reigns, it is worth recalling, account<br />

for the first half <strong>of</strong> the fifth century). However, the way in which it<br />

remained the pattern thereafter until the early seventh century, in spite <strong>of</strong><br />

the military experience <strong>of</strong> many subsequent incumbents, suggests that a<br />

more fundamental consideration was also at work – namely, concern to<br />

protect the emperor from the political and physical consequences <strong>of</strong> military<br />

defeat, which the fates <strong>of</strong> Julian and Valens in the latter half <strong>of</strong> the<br />

fourth century had particularly highlighted. 156 The corresponding disadvantage<br />

<strong>of</strong> this change was that it limited the emperor’s contact with the<br />

153 Dara: Whitby (1986b); other sites: Capizzi (1969) 206–7, 214-28; Whitby (1986a) 726.<br />

154 Procop. Wars i.10.13–19. 155 For the relatives, see Cameron, Alan (1978).<br />

156 Cf. Whitby (1992).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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