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CHAPTER 10<br />

LAW IN THE WESTERN KINGDOMS BETWEEN<br />

THE FIFTH AND THE SEVENTH CENTURY<br />

t. m. charles-edwards<br />

Anyone seeking to write an account <strong>of</strong> law in the western kingdoms<br />

labours under two great difficulties. 1 The student <strong>of</strong> Roman law can find<br />

comfort in the knowledge that his legal tradition was the creation <strong>of</strong> a political<br />

élite which prided itself upon its literary accomplishments. It was both<br />

a tool <strong>of</strong> government and one <strong>of</strong> the proudest manifestations <strong>of</strong> a literate<br />

culture. 2 In the post- and non-Roman kingdoms, such comfortable assurance<br />

is only forthcoming in modest portions. The study <strong>of</strong> Roman law<br />

rests upon rich materials that have been analysed by some <strong>of</strong> the best minds<br />

<strong>of</strong> every generation since, in the eleventh century, Irnerius set out to teach<br />

the law <strong>of</strong> Justinian at Bologna. The written materials for a history <strong>of</strong> law<br />

in the western kingdoms are, however, much patchier and their relationship<br />

to the practice <strong>of</strong> law more uncertain. 3<br />

The second great difficulty is partly a consequence <strong>of</strong> the first: the almost<br />

irresistible temptation to judge all other laws in late antiquity by their relationship<br />

to Roman law. Moreover, this temptation may take a particularly<br />

pernicious form if one is induced to think <strong>of</strong> Roman law as, in some sense,<br />

‘modern’ in outlook, so that the other laws can then be judged as relatively<br />

modern or primitive according to how closely they resembled Roman law.<br />

One form <strong>of</strong> this dangerous preoccupation is the ancient conception –<br />

already well expressed, for his own purposes, by Cassiodorus – <strong>of</strong> the culture<br />

<strong>of</strong> Europe as a fruitful mixture <strong>of</strong> Roman and Germanic (or Gothic). This<br />

imposes upon the subject an over-simple dichotomy: the scholar is prompted<br />

to scrutinize the texts for manifestations either <strong>of</strong> Roman or <strong>of</strong> Germanic<br />

legal tradition. According to his particular preference, or those <strong>of</strong> his political<br />

masters, he may be prone to exaggerate either the one or the other.<br />

Although this traditional approach has considerable elements <strong>of</strong> truth<br />

– more, perhaps, than its opponents allow – it ignores several crucial<br />

1 In this chapter ‘Law’ with an upper-case initial letter will refer to a text <strong>of</strong> law; thus Salic law is the<br />

law <strong>of</strong> the Salian Franks whether written or unwritten, but Salic Law is the text known as Pactus Legis<br />

Salicae. I have been much stimulated, not always in directions <strong>of</strong> which they would approve, by the conversation<br />

and the written work <strong>of</strong> Ian Wood and Patrick Wormald.<br />

2 When the slave Andarchius <strong>of</strong> Greg. Tur. <strong>Hi</strong>st. iv.46 is encouraged by his senatorial master, Felix,<br />

in their joint literary pursuits, these are specified as ‘the works <strong>of</strong> Virgil, the books <strong>of</strong> the Theodosian<br />

Law and arithmetic’. 3 Wormald (1977); Nehlsen (1977).<br />

260<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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