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holy men 807<br />

conflict, the supremely wilful envy <strong>of</strong> the demons played a crucial role) and<br />

that true order meant the ultimate submission <strong>of</strong> all wills to God, the<br />

supreme emperor <strong>of</strong> the universe. The intimacy <strong>of</strong> holy persons with their<br />

Lord could be as tender as that <strong>of</strong> a son, a familiar friend, even <strong>of</strong> a lover.<br />

But the overwhelming weight <strong>of</strong> language, in our texts, presented the holy<br />

man in his public persona as a courtier. For many regions, this attitude<br />

involved far more than an unthinking projection on to the invisible world<br />

<strong>of</strong> the observed working <strong>of</strong> patronage within the centralized structures <strong>of</strong><br />

the later Roman empire. To see the invisible world in these clear-cut terms<br />

involved making conscious choices between available religious traditions.<br />

In 370 Athanasius wrote that, <strong>of</strong> course, dreams <strong>of</strong> the future can be<br />

vouchsafed to Christian devotees at the shrines <strong>of</strong> the martyrs. What mattered<br />

was how this happened. Many Egyptian Christians seem to have<br />

assumed that the martyrs, as ‘unconquered’ heroes who had overcome the<br />

demons <strong>of</strong> the lower air by their heroic deaths, could now be prevailed<br />

upon, by the prayers <strong>of</strong> believers, to torture the demons yet further (in a<br />

long Egyptian tradition, by which higher gods bullied and threatened their<br />

subordinates) to reveal their own unearthly knowledge <strong>of</strong> the future. It was<br />

not like that, Athanasius insisted. God sent the dreams because the martyrs<br />

acted as ambassadors – etreupresbeue – who bore the prayers <strong>of</strong> the faithful<br />

to his court (Athanasius, Festal Letters, ed. T. Lefort, CSCO 150/151, Script.<br />

Coptici 19/20 (Louvain 1955) 65/46–7).<br />

The language <strong>of</strong> patronage at a distant court, <strong>of</strong> course, had its limits.<br />

Only simple folk in Egypt believed, on the strength <strong>of</strong> an imperial model<br />

<strong>of</strong> the supernatural world, that the Archangel Michael, rather than having<br />

been forever present in his mighty role from the first dawn <strong>of</strong> the creation,<br />

had ousted Satan in a coup d’état in the palace <strong>of</strong> heaven; and consequently<br />

that, like any other Roman consul, Michael was obliged to scatter the<br />

benefits <strong>of</strong> healing upon his people on the day <strong>of</strong> his festival, which was,<br />

<strong>of</strong> course, the day when he had received from God the formal scroll <strong>of</strong> his<br />

appointment. 45 But the emphasis on the clash <strong>of</strong> free wills implied in this<br />

model brought a quality <strong>of</strong> mercy into an otherwise inflexible and potentially<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>oundly impersonal cosmos.<br />

With the notion <strong>of</strong> freedom came also the notion <strong>of</strong> sin. The holy man<br />

was not only a favoured courtier <strong>of</strong> the distant emperor <strong>of</strong> heaven, he was<br />

a preacher <strong>of</strong> repentance. Dramatic changes in health; dramatic changes in<br />

the weather; dramatic shifts in the locus <strong>of</strong> wealth, as gold, precious<br />

objects, robes, land, even small children passed from the world to the<br />

monastic establishments associated with holy persons: all these highly<br />

visible changes were held to have registered the most amazing <strong>of</strong> all discontinuities<br />

– the stirring to contrition <strong>of</strong> the sinful human heart.<br />

45 Van Lantschoot (1946).<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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