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650 22a. the sasanid monarchy<br />

divine personification (such names seem to have been common among the<br />

Iranian nobles under the Sasanids). The role <strong>of</strong> this divinity in the<br />

Zoroastrian pantheon is much disputed, but represents a trend in<br />

Zoroastrian religion which attempted to provide a unifying monistic framework<br />

for its fundamentally dualistic theology: Ohurmazd, the good principle,<br />

and Ahriman, the evil principle, were depicted as the twin sons <strong>of</strong><br />

Infinite Time. There is, however, little reliable information: the Pahlavi<br />

Zoroastrian literature <strong>of</strong> the post-Sasanid period is virtually silent, whereas<br />

contemporary non-Sasanid and non-Zoroastrian sources suggest that this<br />

doctrine was the orthodoxy endorsed by the Sasanid kings. 33<br />

Various attempts have been made to overcome the discrepancy. It has<br />

been postulated that the orthdoxy reflected in the extant Zoroastrian literature<br />

triumphed only after the collapse <strong>of</strong> the Sasanid monarchy, in the<br />

context <strong>of</strong> rivalry between supporters <strong>of</strong> the old national religion and the<br />

new Islamic monotheism, so that the former monistic orthodoxy was<br />

deliberately suppressed. 34 According to another view, the story <strong>of</strong><br />

Zurvanism is one <strong>of</strong> intermittent success: whereas under some kings it was<br />

indeed the accepted orthodoxy, under others the pendulum swung in the<br />

opposite direction and the dualistic trend became dominant. Dualism was<br />

finally triumphant under Khusro I (531–79), whose reign also constitutes a<br />

decisive stage in the canonization <strong>of</strong> the surviving Avestan Nasks and in<br />

the development <strong>of</strong> Zoroastrian theological literature. Attempts have also<br />

been made to play down the significance <strong>of</strong> Zurvanism, either as a fad<br />

entertained by the upper classes or as a popular version <strong>of</strong> Zoroastrianism,<br />

and, at any rate, as nothing tantamount to a heresy in its familiar Christian<br />

sense. 35<br />

Perhaps the best way <strong>of</strong> approaching a solution is to get rid <strong>of</strong> the notion<br />

<strong>of</strong> a Sasanid Zoroastrian church analogous in its position to that <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Christian church in the late Roman empire, intent upon using secular<br />

support to impose a uniform doctrine within its ranks. The truth may well<br />

have been that although the early Sasanid kings had found Zoroastrianism,<br />

as represented and propounded by the estate <strong>of</strong> the magi, the most potent<br />

religious factor in many <strong>of</strong> their domains, they were not always prepared to<br />

allow it to become the sole <strong>of</strong>ficially dominant state religion. Thus, for<br />

example, Anahita, who seemingly fades out after the reign <strong>of</strong> Narseh,<br />

springs again into prominence under the last Sasanids, from Khusro II to<br />

Yazdgard III (633–51). 36<br />

Furthermore, the fact that some Sasanid kings, like Shapur I, were prepared<br />

to unleash the Zoroastrian priesthood against the Christians in the<br />

33 Christensen (1944) 149–54; Boyce (1979) 112–13, 160–1.<br />

34 Boyce (1979) 160–1; cf. Boyce (1984) 96–9.<br />

35 Zaehner (1955); reaction in Boyce (1957), (1990); Frye (1959), (1984) 321 with n. 27; Shaked (1979)<br />

xxxiv.6. 36 Wikander (1946) 55–6; Duchesne-Guillemin in Yar-Shater (1983) 897.<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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