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390 13. specialized production and exchange<br />

xiii. economic decline: some conclusions<br />

I hope I have shown that ‘the decline <strong>of</strong> the Roman economy’ was a very<br />

long process that took place with marked differences <strong>of</strong> effect and chronology<br />

between regions, and was, in fact, never ‘completed’. Even during the<br />

post-Roman period <strong>of</strong> decline in the northern provinces, there are signs <strong>of</strong><br />

growth just beyond the old frontiers; and long before the ‘ancient<br />

economy’ <strong>of</strong> the near east disappeared in the eighth century (if it did, since<br />

even this is controversial), there are clear signs <strong>of</strong> economic growth in the<br />

northern world and in the western Mediterranean.<br />

But I hope I have also shown that economic decline, when it happened,<br />

was dramatic, leading to a drastic simplification in production and<br />

exchange, and to a remarkable regression in material culture. The large<br />

Roman middle and lower market for high-quality basic goods was substantially<br />

destroyed, and with it went most commercial activity and specialization.<br />

No process so remarkable and so variegated can possibly be fully<br />

explained, let alone on the basis <strong>of</strong> the scanty evidence available to us. And<br />

certainly no simple monocausal explanations will ever do. Such explanations<br />

are intrinsically implausible, and, as I hope I have shown, they cannot<br />

be made to fit the varied and different histories <strong>of</strong> every region.<br />

For myself, in order to begin to understand its decline,Ifind it necessary<br />

to believe, first, that the Roman economy (through both commerce and the<br />

state) linked local, regional and overseas networks <strong>of</strong> specialization and distribution<br />

into impressive but fragile overall structures. It is then possible to<br />

investigate a number <strong>of</strong> different factors that may have weakened these<br />

structures.<br />

Individual ‘causes’ <strong>of</strong> economic decline were, probably, themselves<br />

closely interlinked. For example, the decline <strong>of</strong> state spending in Noricum<br />

was caused in the end by failure in war; but this military failure was itself<br />

perhaps caused in part by economic decline in the west (which made the<br />

taxation needed to support the soldiery more difficult to raise). The abandonment<br />

<strong>of</strong> state spending in Noricum then went on to cause further<br />

problems along the line, both in Noricum itself (which was devastated) and<br />

in other regions (because Noricum was no longer an attractive market for<br />

their goods). If we see both regions <strong>of</strong> the empire and causes <strong>of</strong> decline as<br />

closely interlinked, it becomes much easier to see how the Roman economy<br />

could have become caught in a general spiral <strong>of</strong> decay.<br />

There are good reasons to continue to investigate the ‘decline <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Roman economy’. It is a fascinating intellectual process, because we are<br />

much more used to looking at economic development and at the ways that<br />

different strands feed into growth than we are to investigating the progressive<br />

unravelling <strong>of</strong> such systems. It was also a dramatic change that had a<br />

<strong>Cambridge</strong> <strong>Hi</strong>stories Online © <strong>Cambridge</strong> University Press, 2008

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